Mr. Smilie.—A new argument indeed is brought forward by the gentleman from Virginia. We can hardly turn round without somehow invading the rights of Virginia. If we talk of building a bridge or erecting a dam, at once the rights of Virginia are invaded. If we wish to dispose of some of our public land in the West as we think proper, the rights of Virginia are invaded. Virginia claimed lands stretching to the north pole; she took what she wanted, and gave a quit claim to the United States for the rest. Some of the House think this sale, this indulgence in the payment for the purpose of introducing the cultivation of the vine, and of serving these worthy foreigners, will be “for the common benefit of the Union;” some think otherwise; it is merely a matter of opinion, and a majority of opinion must decide.
Mr. Morrow.—There are some small tracts of land, on which what are called squatters are settled, and where already improvements have been made, which would sell for four or six dollars per acre; but I doubt whether any township of land would sell for two dollars, even with the usual instalments.
Mr. Parke, of the Indiana Territory.—Even in the settled parts of the Territory, lands are not above three dollars.
Mr. Ely.—Gentlemen have said that poor lands were proper for the vine. It may be so; but the petitioner and his associates mention also the raising of hemp, which requires the best bottom lands. I am far from wishing to discourage these settlers; but they are already among us, and will not leave this country. They are represented to be (and I fully believe the representation) men of piety and morality; the United States are not beyond improvement in piety and morality; instead of putting them in one, and that a far-distant place, let them be scattered over the Union, that all parts may be benefited. Such a body of men, of one sect, of one language, will wish to seclude itself from the rest of the Union; they will wish what this bill gives them, and what I think injurious, an exclusive territory. We are deviating from our common usage in the sale of land. Is the deviation necessary or proper? Gentlemen have said they were flying from oppression to this land of liberty; liberty was their object; a republican Government; yet it appears that when they left Wirtemberg, their expectation and intention was to settle in Louisiana, then under the Spanish Government. The bill obliges them to plant a certain number of vines; perhaps the expense of this will not be $100, and there is no forfeiture even if they should refuse to comply. It may prove a fine speculation for them; they may get perhaps the finest land and the best salt lick in the territory.
Mr. Nicholson, (after recapitulating the arguments previously adduced.)—I have no objection to the settlement of the applicants in one body; nor can I see any probable evil resulting from it. The gentleman from Massachusetts has informed us that the people of the United States are bad enough, and that the distribution of this society over the whole States might prove advantageous to the Union; if not in one body, they must settle on lands for sale in different parts of Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, &c. This distribution would be unfair, as Massachusetts has not lands for sale, except perhaps in the district of Maine; hence that State would be deprived of the advantage it might obtain by an improvement of its piety and morality from a distribution of a part of this society among the citizens of that State. I know not why the sale of this land, according to the terms of the bill, should be considered as not conducing to the good of the nation. We have given lands for colleges and schools, and for the support of clergymen; we have also sold lands, the proceeds of which were to be expended for the improvement of roads—roads by which the public at large would be benefited, though the citizens of Maine or Georgia might never travel them.
The bill was recommitted to a Committee of the Whole—62 to 53, and made the order of the day for Monday next.
Monday, February 17.
Non-Importation of Slaves into Territories.
Mr. David R. Williams, from the committee appointed, on the seventh instant, “to inquire whether any, and, if any, what, additional provisions are necessary to prevent the importation of slaves into the Territories of the United States,” made the following report:
That the act of Congress, passed the 7th April, 1798, authorizing the establishment of a Government in the Mississippi Territory, permits slavery within that Territory, by excluding the last article of the ordinance of 13th July, 1787. The seventh section of this act prohibits, after the establishment of a Government, the importation of slaves from any port or place without the limits of the United States; of course, the right to import slaves from any place within the limits of the United States is not restricted.