The resolution under consideration proposes an insurance upon terms vastly disadvantageous. The premium and the risk are out of all proportion. What, sir, is the premium? The sum of $800,000, the amount of revenue estimated to accrue from the carrying trade. What is the risk? The almost certain sacrifice of the agricultural interest of the nation—the almost certain event of a war, and the consequent risk of the destruction of the constitution and liberties of this nation. For one I cannot underwrite such a policy. I will not pledge my constituents to insure upon such terms.
But we are asked, must the carrying trade be surrendered? In return we ask, must the agricultural interest of the country be sacrificed to preserve it? Must we plunge into a war to preserve it? Must we put to risk the constitution and liberties of the nation to preserve it?
Mr. Chairman, this nation is at peace. We are happy in the enjoyment of our rights at home. We are prosperous beyond the example of any other people in the world. We enjoy the fruits of our own industry, abundantly supplied with all the comforts of life, and increasing rapidly in wealth by good markets for our produce. The merchants receive a profit upon their trade, coextensive with the highest wishes of rational men, and when confined to fair neutral commerce, pursue their occupations with security. Is this a state of things which should be put to the risk of chance for such a boon as the carrying trade? Is this a state of things which should be jeopardized for the profit of a few merchants in a few mercantile towns?
Mr. Elmer.—Mr. Chairman, I will rise to make a few observations on the subject now under consideration, but I will not detain the committee more than a few minutes. The resolution on your table is denounced by gentlemen as a war measure, but I cannot discern its tendency to that point. It is acknowledged on all hands that we have received from Great Britain repeated and grievous injuries. The whole American people are alarmed, and their feelings excited by the reiterated acts of oppression and insult. A gentleman from Georgia has told you that our constituents have not dictated any measures; it is true, they have not dictated, but they have complained, and they look up to the collected wisdom of Congress to devise a remedy for the evils under which they are laboring. This is the business upon which we are in part assembled, and it is the most important to which our attention will be called; we should therefore engage in it with all that seriousness and impartiality which its importance demands. Every member should divest himself of all national and party prejudice when he decides on a question in which the interest of his country is so deeply concerned. And can we, as men and as patriots, tamely submit to have our seamen impressed, and forced to fight the battles of a foreign nation, and to have our commerce embarrassed, interrupted, and perplexed, and the property of our citizens engaged therein condemned and made the property of the unjust captors? I trust not.
Saturday, March 8.
Importation of British Goods.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on Mr. Gregg’s resolution.
Mr. Elliot.—To replace the present question upon the ground which it originally occupied, to examine it with a view to its real merits, and its merits alone, however hopeless might be the task, would certainly be a very useful one. It has indeed been considered as indicative of a species of madness to attempt to stem a torrent which is known to be irresistible; but it is said that there is sometimes method in madness, and there is always honor in a gallant death in a good cause. It is in vain to conceal the fact that this resolution is devoted to destruction; but its supporters owe something to their own feelings, and they owe much more to their country. It will probably be admitted, Mr. Chairman, on both sides of the House—for it will not be pretended that there are more than two sides upon the present occasion, whatever confusion of parties may sometimes appear to exist upon this floor—that a more interesting crisis of our national concerns than the present, in reference to foreign relations, has not existed since the adoption of the present constitution. Some of the best interests of our country are at stake. But it is not believed by all that our constitution and liberties are involved in any possible issue of this question. Before we even had a constitution, while the elements of our political system were almost without form, and void, the liberties of this people were safe in their own hands, and triumphant over the power of that nation whose vengeance, it is said, we shall provoke by the adoption of this resolution. Our constitution and liberties are safe. The scene is not so awful, but it is impressive. I repeat it, sir, we owe much to our country. The friends of the resolution are prepared for the fate that awaits it; but they have taken their ground from reflection, and they cannot, they will not abandon it against conviction, until overpowered, as indubitably they will be, in the contest.
Two classes of arguments are marshalled in opposition to the motion, one of which is addressed to our hopes, and the other to our fears. To our hopes—of what? Of honorable and successful negotiation, if this measure be abandoned. Great Britain will do us justice if we ask it once more. On what is this hope founded? Let us not go too far back. It was said in ancient times to be dangerous, and doubtless it is dangerous still, to rake open the ashes of a flame not yet extinguished. Do our hopes repose upon events of recent date? Upon the long-continued impressment into her naval service of many of our useful citizens, citizens entitled to the same rights with ourselves, except that they are not delegated to represent the people within these walls? An outrage which no nation but Great Britain practises, and to which no nation but America submits. Upon the constant interpolation of new principles, destructive of our neutral rights, into the venerable code of the laws of nature and nations, or rather the systematic perversion and prostration, to our serious injury, of some of the most sacred principles of those laws. We can soon dismiss this branch of the subject. Coolly and deliberately systematic, severe and unbending, has the injurious conduct of Great Britain toward us long been. Unconnected with strong measures on our part we can discern no reasonable ground for hopes so flattering. Prospects so delusive have no charms for the supporters of the resolution. We repose no confidence upon the justice and liberality of Great Britain, further than as those virtues may correspond with her interest. To that we wish to make an appeal. With myself it has long been a settled opinion, that she would go to war with us whenever it should be her interest to do so. We wish for peace, we raise our voices for negotiation, but for negotiation sustained by measures of an energetic and commanding character.
Mr. D. R. Williams.—Mr. Chairman, I feel the necessity of apologizing to the committee for that portion of their time which I shall occupy; not presuming to offer reasons to others why this resolution should not be adopted, I beg their indulgence, while I do that which presents itself at the time as a duty, to declare what are my reasons for voting against it; the deep stake my constituents hold in the measure is my apology.