The general effect of the policy I advocate, is to produce confidence at home and respect abroad. These are twin shoots from the same stock, and never fail to flourish or fade together. Confidence is a plant of no mushroom growth and of no artificial texture. It springs only from sage counsels and generous endeavors. The protection you extend must be efficient and suited to the nature of the object you profess to maintain. If it be neither adequate nor appropriate, your wisdom may be doubted, your motives may be distrusted, but in vain you expect confidence. The inhabitants of the seaboard will inquire of their own senses and not of your logic, concerning the reality of their protection.
As to respect abroad, what course can be more certain to insure it? What object more honorable, what more dignified than to behold a great nation pursuing wise ends by appropriate means; rising to adopt a series of systematic exertions, suited to her power, and adequate to her purposes? What object more consolatory to the friends—what more paralyzing to the enemies of our Union—than to behold the natural jealousies and rivalries, which are the acknowledged dangers of our political condition, subsiding or sacrificing? What sight more exhilarating than to see this great nation once more walking forth among the nations of the earth, under the protection of no foreign shield? Peaceful because powerful—powerful because united in interests, and amalgamated by concentration of those interests in the national affections.
But, let the opposite policy prevail; let the essential interests of the great component parts of this Union find no protection under the national arm—instead of safety let them realize oppression, and the seeds of discord and dissolution are inevitably sown in a soil the best fitted for their root, and affording the richest nourishment for their expansion. It may be a long time before they ripen. But, sooner or later, they will assuredly burst forth in all their destructive energies. In the intermediate period, what aspect does a Union, thus destitute of cement, present? Is it that of a nation keen to discern, and strong to resist, violations of its sovereignty? It has rather the appearance of a casual collection of semi-barbarous clans, with the forms of civilization, and with the rude and rending passions of the savage state. In truth, powerful—yet, as to any foreign effect, imbecile—rich, in the goods of fortune, yet wanting that inherent spirit without which a nation is poor indeed; their strength exhausted by struggles for local power; their moral sense debased by low intrigues for personal popularity, or temporary pre-eminence; all their thoughts turned not to the safety of the State, but to the elevation of a chieftain. A people presenting such an aspect, what have they to expect abroad? What but pillage, insult, and scorn?
The choice is before us. Persist in refusing efficient maritime protection; persist in the system of commercial restrictions; what now is, perhaps, anticipation, will hereafter be history.
Mr. Fisk said that, when this subject was first presented to the House, he felt inclined to vote for a small increase of the Naval Establishment; but it now appears that, what is asked for is considered only as laying a foundation for a great system—a system which, he feared, if carried into execution, might change the Government.
Mr. F. contended that the Navy never had, and never could protect our commerce. Like standing armies, he considered navies as dangerous to liberty. As to the constitutional provision, with respect to a navy, it is nothing more than a mere grant of power, which Congress is at liberty to use or not, as they may deem it necessary or expedient.
Though he had listened with candor to all the arguments which had been used in favor of an increase of this Establishment at the present time, he was far from being convinced that such an increase, at present, is either necessary or expedient. It appeared to him that every nation which has embarked, to any extent, in Navy Establishments, has been eventually crushed by them. Whether you go back to ancient, or look upon modern Europe, you will find navies have not afforded that protection which gentlemen are desirous of persuading the House they are capable of affording. Has the navy of Russia protected her commerce? There are in the Russian dominions from twenty-five to thirty millions of people; but, by every account we have of them, their situation is not very enviable; nor have they any great degree of commerce to protect. Where are the navies of Sweden and Denmark? The latter, it is well known, were swept away and destroyed by the British fleet; and the fleet of Sweden serves only to keep the country in poverty to maintain it. A navy looks pretty well in theory; but look into the experience of nations, and it will be found to have been the bane of every country which has had any thing to do with it. We should want wisdom, therefore, to pursue a system which has proved so ruinous to others.
With respect to Great Britain herself, it had been said that her navy had been the basis of her wealth and prosperity. Mr. F. said he did not envy the situation of that country. The glory and honor which such nations are in the habit of acquiring, prove a curse to them in the end by enslaving them with expense.
As to the protection and encouragement of commerce, he believed commerce would always flourish best when left to itself unshackled by regulations. It will then be carried to every part of the globe. In the course of the debate, it had been said that the exports of Great Britain, in 1797, were not greater than ours before our commerce was restricted, though that nation had possessed a navy which had triumphed on the ocean for half a century. How did this happen? It was owing, said Mr. F., to the freedom of our commerce.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) had spoken of the naval force formerly possessed by Massachusetts. But, what security did those ships afford? They were of no use, as he believed; they were nothing but a heavy expense to the State; and he believed the merchants had found their commerce in a much better state since, than it was when they were in being.