Mr. Randolph said that the proposed amendment brought strongly to view the impropriety of the House, on the rude suggestions of any member, committing itself hastily by a definite determination which to-morrow they might be disposed to retract. He believed this was one of those cases in which there was no necessity for haste. The House would be as competent to-morrow, to decide on the subject of the resolution and the proposed amendment, and in a manner to redound, at least, as much to the credit of the House and the national good, as now. With regard to his own opinions, if they were of any importance with his worthy colleague, he would at once say they were on this subject the opinions of that man, from whom he never did dissent but upon one question, without being wrong—that man who was emphatically called for eight years our Commander-in-chief—the founder of this nation—the author of the constitution—our first President—the man who was made for the office, and the office for him—the man who discharged all its duties so perfectly, as if it had been only to show those who come after him their incompetency. Mr. R. said he would ask his worthy colleague, what he supposed would have been the fate of a certain Benedict Arnold, had he been brought alive to the American camp, after his desertion from it? On that subject there can be but one opinion. On another question, if his opinion was of any value, he would state it. It was not a loose thought, taken upon the impulse of the moment; but the result of meditation and reflection. As long as foreigners, naturalized by our laws, remain on our soil, he was ready to throw over them the mantle of the constitution—he would protect them, as he would protect the native citizen, at the hazard of the last shilling of the public revenue, and the last drop of the blood of our people. But, when they go abroad on the high seas; when they come to this country to acquire a neutrality of character, now indeed no longer to be found here; when they come here only to neutralize goods in the Baltic, at Heligoland, in the Black Sea, the White Sea, and the Red Sea, and the passing to and fro on the highway of nations; if it please God, their old master George the Third, or Napoleon, or Alexander of Russia, should lay his hand on them, they were welcome, Mr. R. said, for him. He would not spend one shilling, one drop of American blood, to redeem such a man; much less would he have retaliation executed on subjects of the nation claiming him, with whom we should happen to come in collision, which might have to be expiated by the native blood of these States. I would not, said Mr. R., have the New England man or old Virginian executed by any despot, limited or unlimited in authority, in order to secure to us the worthless property in the man who is a Christian in Christendom and a Mussulman in Turkey. But, Mr. R. asked, did not this question assume a different shape, when this man was not going to and fro on the high seas in search of plunder, which he calls patriotism, but, when he is found in a public ship of war of the United States? On that subject—for it was a new question—he was not prepared to decide. It was not, Mr. R. said, and the House might rely on it, the sentiment of the people of these States—it might be of some comparatively small, and therefore only insignificant section of the community—that we should enter into a contestation with France and England for property in their subjects.
Mr. R. here drew a comparison between the practice of harboring slaves in some of our Northern cities, Philadelphia for instance, and the countenance given in this country to European emigrants. As to these foreigners, Mr. R. said he owed them nothing. He was sorry they had ever found refuge here—he wished he had driven them from our shores—or have permitted, as we have the merchants, to go out where they pleased, without attempting to protect them.
Mr. Quincy rose, he said, simply to express his regret, that a debate in this form and manner should have arisen. The question which had been touched, was one which required all the information and light which could be shed on it. The principles connected with it were so numerous and critical, that it required all the reflection of which gentlemen were capable, to enable them to discuss and decide it in a proper manner. He rose also to express his regret that a motion for amendment should be made by a gentleman with whom he frequently coincided in opinion, which went to exclude information of the manner in which officers treated persons other than British subjects. He could not vote against receiving information of any kind—particularly on a subject so interesting. Mr. Q. was proceeding in his remarks, when—
Mr. Sheffey withdrew his motion.
Mr. Bassett explained his ideas of expatriation. He would not protect the man who had left the country with an intention not to return, &c., but he would protect the man who went out to fight the battles of the country.
Mr. Randolph rose for the purpose of moving an amendment. He adverted to the language of the resolution, and drew a distinction between the character of privateers and of our public armed vessels. Was it competent, he asked, to the Government to receive as testimony the statement of the commander or crew of an American corsair? It was well known, too, he remarked, that the high wages which had been paid to the crews of the privateers, was one of the reasons why the American Navy was in some degree unmanned. And, was it not a different question, whether we should interpose our authority between the subject of a foreign nation and his Government, when that subject is fighting your battles, bleeding on the deck of your public ship, at twelve dollars a month, and when he is decoyed into a corsair by the temptation of eighty, fifty, or forty dollars a month? There is a difference, sir, said Mr. R. I trust, said he, if we receive the information we are about to ask, we shall get it from a pure and authorized source, such as no man can question. I mean the commanders of our public ships of war. Mr. R. concluded by moving to strike out "American," and insert "public," so as to read "public armed ships."
Mr. Widgery expressed his surprise at the various expedients resorted to, to embarrass this question; and hoped this would have the same fate as the other. He said he could tell the gentleman that many privateers had been manned without a cent of wages. But, suppose they had been manned in other ways, were not privateers as useful in annoying the enemy as public ships? No man that knew any thing about maritime affairs would deny it. Whereever our privateers had come across an armed vessel of the enemy, of any thing like equal force, they had done their duty like American tars. We are at war, Mr. W. said, and ought to check the enemy wherever we come in contact with them. He believed the privateering carried on had been of great advantage to us and injury to our enemy. As to the objection which had been offered to receiving the statement of their commanders, what were gentlemen afraid of? No disparagement to the commanders of the navy, (for he respected them all,) he knew gentlemen commanding privateers whose opinions were entitled to as great respect as that of any other, and whose word could not be questioned. In relation to the cases referred to in the resolve, particularly that of the boatswain, Mr. W. said we were bound by every principle of the law of nations to support him to the last cent of our money, more especially as he had a warrant under the seal of the United States. The conduct of our enemy was the less justifiable, as she manned her own ships with people of all nations.
Mr. Randolph's proposed amendment was negatived by a large majority; and the resolution was agreed to without further debate or opposition.
Friday, December 11.
Macedonian and Frolic.