Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16)

by United States. Congress

---

[INDEX TO VOL. IV.]

A
Absentees, recall of, resolution to direct the Speaker to request their attendance, [533].
Adams, John Quincy, resigns seat in Senate, [3].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Allegiance, Foreign, petition of inhabitants of Kentucky, stating that the King of Great Britain, by proclamation, claims the allegiance of all persons born in his dominions, [46];
had authorized their impressment, &c., &c.,—petition prays for resistance of this assumption, [46].
See Index, vol. 1.
Alexander, Evan, Representative from North Carolina, [36];
moves a committee of inquiry relative to proving the acts and proceedings of States, [87].
See Index, vol. 3.
Algerine War.—See Index, vol. 1.
Alston, Lemuel J., Representative from South Carolina, [36], [125], [187], [315].
See Index, vol. 3.
Alston Willis, jr., Representative from North Carolina, [36], [125], [187], [315], [425], [577];
on the value of blank ballots, [125];
on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, [129];
opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, [224];
on the ratio of representation, [319];
on laying additional duties, [431];
on establishing a quartermaster's department, [477].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Amy Dardin, report on petition of, [216];
bill read, &c., [218];
report for relief of, agreed to, [538].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Amendments to the Constitution.—See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Anderson, Joseph, Senator from Tennessee, [5], [28], [116], [176], [252], [420];
presents memorial of Legislative Council of Mississippi Territory, [265];
on the incorporation of a Bank of the United States, [266];
on a recess of Congress, [412].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Anderson, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
Archer, Stevenson, Representative from Maryland, [424], [577];
on foreign relations, [466];
on the policy of the war, [638];
on war taxes, [715].
Armed Vessels, public and private, encouragement of, resolution relative to, [711].
See Privateers.
Armstrong Gen., his letter to Mr. Pinkney, [361];
letter of, on additional general officers, [713].
Army, pay of the.—In the House, bill concerning the pay of the army considered, [581];
the present pay of the army much below the average price of labor, [581];
wherefore should the soldier receive less than any other man, [581];
the compensation should be proportioned to the risk, [581];
to second section of the bill little objection apprehended, [581];
third section founded on the principle that every man owes to the country which protects him, military service, [581];
second section involves an infraction of the constitution, [582];
any man who had contracted a debt had certainly given a pledge not only of his property but of his body to his creditor, [582];
this right of the creditor to take the body is completely taken out of his hands in regard to those who enlist, [582];
has an ex post facto operation, [582];
this provision necessary to guard against fraud, [582];
persons enlisted procure themselves to be arrested under fictitious debts, [582];
when let out on bail and the commander attempts to take him he is rescued on a habeas corpus, and courts decide the man to be the property of his bail, [582];
motion to strike out lost, [582];
third section encourages the uneasy boy to throw off parental authority or to defraud a master, its tendency is to violate public morals and the spirit of the constitution, and to interfere with public economy, [582];
it is unknown as well as immoral, [582];
other objections, [583];
minors above eighteen allowed to enlist, [583];
you go into the workshop and the parent's dwelling and entice away the apprentice and the child, [583];
this very population constitutes the strength and vigor of war, [583];
what was the fact in France, [583];
her army is made up of young men, [583];
the case of husbands deserting wives and children aged parents, is as much entitled to sympathy, [583];
better resort to liberal bounties and wages than violate important principles, [584];
the extensiveness of the relation of master and apprentice, [584];
can these relations dissolve under the charm of this bill, [584];
necessity is alleged, [584];
beware how you yield to this fancied necessity, [584];
this section will be productive of much evil and perhaps little good, [584];
reason to doubt its constitutionality, [584];
amendments negatived and bill ordered to third reading, [584];
the atrocity of the principle and the magnitude of the evil contained in this bill, [585];
third section is calculated to seduce minors from their masters, guardians, and parents, [585];
the absurdity of this provision—its inequality—its immorality considered, [585], [586];
sixteen was the age called upon in the revolution, [587];
which excites the most regret, a child leaving his parents to defend his country, or a parent torn from his family to defend a foreign power, [588];
the charges against this bill are a libel on the House, [588];
atrocious principle! let gentlemen damn the memory of the patriots of the revolution who originated this principle, [588];
if there is an increase of population, there appears to be a deterioration of patriotism since the revolution, [588];
what was the law in 1798, [588];
the power to enlist minors is a new principle, [588];
third section examined, [589];
reason for the preference of young men, [589];
House now prepared to take up a small subject and make a great thing of it, [589];
a man ought not to be called on to defend his country until he has acquired political rights, [589];
moved to recommit the bill, [590];
it is of the nature of an ex post facto law, and tends to exalt the military over the civil authority, [591];
the third section freighted with most fatal consequences, [591];
cases supposed, [591];
recommitment lost, [592];
bill passed, [593].
Military Force additional.—In the Senate, a bill to authorize the President to accept and organize certain military corps, &c., considered, [405];
be productive of no efficacy, [405];
be inoperative, [405];
system of volunteers the favorite one of the Government, [405];
the number should be reduced, [405];
only a formidable display of armies on paper, [405].
In the House, bill taken up, [547];
is it such as to require secrecy? [548];
voted affirmatively, [548];
bill ordered to be engrossed and passed, [548].
In the House, bills for the more perfect organization of the army, and to raise an additional military force considered in committee, [611];
moved to fill the blanks relative to bounty, [611];
the military committee present a system on which to rest the future operation of the war, [611];
explanation of its merits, [611];
object with all to terminate the war successfully, [611];
no other mode than to call into the field a force adequate to command every honorable object, [611];
the good the war has accomplished relative to our character abroad, [611];
the honor of the nation requires that British power on our borders should be demolished in the next campaign, [611];
after seeing the necessity of augmenting the regular forces, it was equally material to provide for filling the ranks, and keeping them at their full complement, [612];
it is proposed to appoint recruiting officers for each regiment, [612];
it may be said the results of the last campaign are so unfavorable that there is no object to vote further sums, [612];
all our disasters sprang from a cause no man in the nation could anticipate, [612];
treachery or cowardice caused the surrender at Detroit, [612];
question on filling the blanks carried, [613];
moved to repeal the offer of bounty land to the recruits, [613];
this is a waste of the nation's capital without a single provident result, [613];
it is proposed to increase the bounty in money, [613];
motion agreed to, [613];
blanks in the other bill authorizing an additional military force severally filled, [613];
reason for giving the appointment of officers below the rank of colonel to the President alone, [613];
bills reported to the House, [613];
first bill ordered to be engrossed, [613];
question on the engrossment of the bill to raise an additional military force, [614];
great anticipations from the action of twenty thousand men in a single year, [614];
when war was declared it was said Canada would be conquered in a single year, [614];
experience has proved the fallacy of these predictions, [615];
no pleasure to dwell upon the disasters and disgrace that have attended our military operations, [615];
the annals of the last six months are most deplorable, [615];
the tone and heart of the country broken, universal disgust at the past, anxiety and concern for the future, [615];
what is now proposed for the future, [615];
an army of twelve months' men—a broken reed, [615];
an army and term of service which well nigh lost the country in the revolutionary war, [615];
wherefore change the term of enlistment from five years or during the war to one year, [615];
feelings of the Canadians, [616];
let us see things as they are, and look danger in the face, [616];
points in our relative conduct towards France and Great Britain which will not bear examination, [616];
moved to strike out one and insert five years as the term of enlistment, [616];
we must rise after reverses, [616];
if we were to unite the question would soon be settled, [617];
cause of the war concisely stated by Capt. Porter, "Free trade and sailor's rights," [617];
is there a man doubts the war was justly undertaken? [617];
what injury have we not suffered, [617];
you have been told the Prince Regent and his ministers are firm, let us follow their example, [617];
an army should be seasoned before it is taken into the field, [617];
it will take a year to prepare them for the field; without discipline they are useless, [617];
let us raise an army for the war, [617];
we must take the continent from Britain, [617];
the question is what is the kind of force, and for what length of time can you raise an army to take the field at the earliest period? [618];
under this measure a force may be drawn into the field ready to act efficiently in the next campaign, [618];
we have never engaged in any war in which we have come out better in the first campaign, [618];
if this country will go into the war heart and hand, we shall shortly demonstrate to the enemy that it is her interest to be at peace with us, [618];
amendment lost, [618];
question on the passage of the bill, [618].
All desire peace, but what is the best course to obtain it, [618];
will the passage of this bill, and the actual enlistment of the proposed force secure peace? [618];
this war can be terminated with honor and advantage without further effusion of human blood, [619];
this does not mean that the honor of the nation is identical with the honor of those who declared the war, [619];
the question of contest is reduced to a single point, [619];
the British Orders in Council have been repealed, the practice of impressment alone remains, [619];
this has been subjected to much exaggeration, [619];
it is not certain England has been unwilling to enter into such an arrangement as would place this question on a fair and honorable basis, [619];
see the correspondence of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, [619];
at one period she was willing to advance considerable lengths towards an adjustment, [619];
our duty to make an effort for the sanction of our just rights and the restoration of peace without further appeal to force, [619];
facts tending to confirm this belief, [620];
the late communications from the Executive to the British Government present a novelty in the history of war and diplomacy, [620];
this bill is a kind of second declaration of war, [621];
the war is both politically and morally wrong, [621];
it is of an offensive character, [621];
something unaccountable that the disposition to prosecute this war should increase, [621];
it rests now solely on the subject of impressment, [621];
this must be settled by treaty, [621];
we shall create an annual expense of forty millions, [621];
if Canada could be taken it would be a great public misfortune, [621];
this war cannot be prosecuted without violating the laws of humanity and justice, of religion and morality, [621];
it is becoming more unpopular in the Eastern States, [622];
the force contemplated to be raised is unnecessary, [622];
the present military establishment is certainly sufficient for all purposes of defence, [622];
neither Canada nor any other British province will be worth the blood and treasure they will cost us, [622];
the militia of Canada estimated too low, [622];
of what value would these provinces be to us, [623];
duty to inquire into the policy and necessity of this measure, as well as the present state of our relations with Great Britain, [623];
would the principle, if yielded to us to-morrow, benefit our native seamen, or promote the real interests of the country? [624];
is there probability of obtaining a recognition of this principle by a continuance of the war? [624];
the traffic in American protections, [625];
the bill is altogether inadequate to the purpose intended to be accomplished, [626];
it cannot be admitted that because the war is declared, we are bound to lend aid to promote every plan for prosecuting it which may be proposed, [627];
the bill is unnecessary for the attainment of the original object of the war, [627];
some of the pretended causes of the war have never been seriously relied on by our Government, [627];
what was the avowed object of this war? [628];
the pretence was to take or rather to receive Canada, [628];
the effect of this bill is to place at the disposal of the Executive an army of fifty-five thousand men, [628];
the purpose for which these men are demanded is the invasion of Canada, [628];
is the conquest of Canada an object desirable in itself, or advantageous by its effect in promoting an early and honorable peace? [628];
note, [628];
the intention of the American Cabinet thus unequivocally avowed, [628];
anxious that no doubt should exist on this subject, [628];
no scheme ever was or ever will be rejected by the men now in power merely on account of its running counter to the ordinary dictates of common sense and common prudence, [629];
illustration, [629];
the great mistake of all those who reasoned concerning the war and the invasion of Canada, that it was impossible, was that they never took into consideration the connection of these events with the then pending election of Chief Magistrate, [629];
the invasion of Canada considered as a means of carrying on the subsisting war, a means of obtaining an early and honorable peace, and a means of advancing the personal and local projects of ambition of the members of the American Cabinet, [630];
never was there an invasion in any country worse than this in point of moral principle, since the invasion of the Buccaneers, or of Capt. Kidd, [632];
they had the hope of plunder, here there is not even the poor refuge of cupidity, [632];
the disgrace of our arms on the frontier is terrestrial glory compared with the disgrace of the attempt, [632];
this nation is the last which ought to admit the design of foreign conquest, [632];
multitudes who approve of the war detest the invasion, [633];
look at the elections, what do they speak? [633];
the people of New England have no desire for Canada, [633];
the surest way to defeat any hope from negotiation is this threat of invasion, [634];
the American Cabinet understood this, [634];
the project of this bill is to put further off the chance of amicable arrangement, [634];
the present men were raised to power by elements constituted of British prejudices and British antipathies, [634];
such men will never permit a state of things to pass away so essential to their influence, [635];
the Cabinet has been careful to precede negotiation with some circumstance sure to make it fail, ever since the refusal to renew the Treaty of 1794, [635];
the Executive power passed into new hands, under the old influences and principles of the former Administration, [635];
the whole stage of the relations induced between this country and Great Britain was a standing appeal to the fears of Great Britain, [635];
what is the truth in relation to the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees? [636];
were ever a body of men so abandoned in the hour of need as the American Cabinet by Bonaparte? [636];
reasons for referring to this subject, [636];
illustrations of what is doing and intended at present, [637];
the invitations to union which have been so obtrusively urged, [638];
the liberty of debate prostituted in disseminating the most unfounded charges, [639];
it has been charged that war had been declared prematurely and without due preparation, [639];
it has been said that the nature of the war is changed, [640];
what the Legislature considered as the cause of war, [641];
the manner in which the points of difference between the two nations ought to be considered, [641];
negotiation has been tried in the matter of impressment for twenty years, [641];
it is pretended that this Government is not desirous of peace, and that this is a war of conquest and ambition, [642];
if we now recede, are not points conceded to the enemy which the opposition never would concede if in power, [642];
how much more powerful is the objection to the right of search now than when first made, [643];
exemption from impressment is no new claim set up, [644];
the evils we have complained of were of a nature not to be remedied by war, [644];
what has been the state of the country since the declaration of war, [645];
our relations with the belligerents have essentially changed since war was declared, [645];
Napoleon has inveigled us into a war, [645];
why was the evidence of a repeal of the decrees withheld, [646];
believing the French decrees repealed, we departed from our neutral stand, by enforcing the non-intercourse law against Great Britain, [647];
the prominent causes of the war examined, [648];
whether this bill is right or wrong depends upon circumstances, [652];
it is said to be the constitutional duty of the opponents of the war to afford every aid and encouragement, [653];
not the most suitable measure to be selected by the opposition, upon which to show their resistance, [653];
a view of the past, of different parties which have at various times appeared, and the manner by which we have been driven from a peaceful posture, [654];
the course of the opposition in impeding the Government for the last twelve years has been unexampled in history, [654];
gentlemen seem to forget that they stand on American soil, [655];
a plot for the dismemberment of the Union, [656];
cause of the declaration of war, [656];
it is said France inveigled us into the war, [656];
the war might have been declared even if the Orders in Council had been repealed earlier, [657];
it is said Great Britain has always been willing to make a satisfactory arrangement on the subject of impressment, [658];
what cause which existed for declaring the war has been removed, [659].
What is the object of this vast military force? [660];
retrospect of the last eight years, to show how much gentlemen have been mistaken and disappointed in their views of foreign policy, [661];
the picture of impressments has been too highly colored, [663];
in that section of the Union where two-thirds of the seamen come from, there is an overwhelming opinion against the war, [663];
the controversy seems brought to a single point, [663];
it is supposed this is the auspicious moment to assert our rights, [664];
the opinions of the majority have undergone a strange revolution, [664];
the conquest of the British provinces doubtful, [665];
physical and moral evils resulting from your measures, [666];
some observations on the bill itself, [666];
none can deny the propriety of defending the country, [666];
objections to the further prosecution of the war examined, [667];
contrariety of opinions respecting Canada, [668];
none but cowards calculate on the cowardice of their foe, [668];
the war was improperly commenced and is unnecessarily continued, [669];
examination of the causes as they existed at the commencement and exist now, [669];
the claim on the part of Britain relative to seamen, [670];
this claim examined, [670], [671], [672], [673];
the points made in debate, impressment, the right to expatriate, the right to naturalize, and French influence, [675];
a distinction been drawn throughout this debate between the rights of a man who cultivates the soil, and one who follows the seas, [675];
every attempt to settle the question of impressment for twenty years has failed, [676];
it is said that it is the abuse of impressment of which we complain, [676];
Porcupine paper, [676];
all agree that we ought to fight for the rights of our seamen, why not all join heart and hand to do so, [678];
this has been a most unfortunate Government as ever existed; every thing has gone wrong, [678];
bill ordered to be engrossed, [679].
Question on the passage of the bill, [679];
the army has been represented as dangerous to the liberties of the country, [679];
what have been the propositions heretofore made by our Government to Great Britain? [679];
equitable as they were all were rejected, [680];
for every British seaman obtained by impressment a number of Americans have been made victims, [680];
the change of Administration in former years, [681];
characters of the two contending parties, [681];
course of the successful party, [682];
proceedings of our Government, [683], [684];
the Orders in Council constituted no insurmountable obstacle to negotiation between this country and Great Britain, [685];
if the President had made that repeal a basis of negotiation, every man in the country would have hailed him as the restorer of peace, [686];
the ruler of France has turned with contempt from your reclamations, [686];
what atonement has been made for these insults and injuries, [686];
the Indian wars on the frontier, [686];
has this subject been inquired into, [687];
a word on the subject of impressments, [687];
Great Britain rather than surrender the right of impressing her own seamen, will nail her colors to the mast and go down with them, [688];
this lies in a small compass, [688];
what was the offer made to our Government by the British Ministry? [688];
the right of search does exist, and has been acknowledged by all nations, [689];
the French doctrine in relation to impressment, [689];
author of the Newburg letters to command your army, [690];
can the force contemplated be obtained; will it accomplish the end proposed, and will it be an economical force? [690];
the grounds taken by the opponents of this bill examined, [691], [692];
what is the object of this debate, [694];
to thwart the final success of the war, [694];
all the arguments of the opposition have been directed to destroy the union and zeal of the people, [694];
but say our opponents, as they were opposed to the war, so they are not bound to support it, [694];
but we are told that peace is in our power without a further prosecution of the war, [694];
it is said we ought to offer England suitable regulations on this subject to secure to her the use of her seamen, [695];
will the intended effect of the opposition be produced? [695];
gentlemen are conjured to bring this debate to a close, [696];
the success against the Canadas doubtful, [696];
mortifying to see the conduct of the enemy vindicated and palliated, [696];
the several heads of discussion introduced in this debate considered, [697];
what is a just and necessary war? [698];
what did an elevated fitness of character and conduct require of this nation when war was declared? [699];
popular opinion was not against this war, [700];
impressment alone would have ultimately produced war, [700];
all public law, it is said, has denied the right of expatriation, [701];
bill passed, [702].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Avery, Daniel, Representative from New York, [424], [577].
B
Bacon, Ezekiel, Representative from Massachusetts,

[36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [578];
supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, [95];
offers a resolution relative to petitions respecting the Presidential election in Massachusetts, [105];
on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, [127];
on Miranda's expedition, [144];
reports relative to challenges and duels, [191];
against the petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
on reduction of the navy, [244];
against the admission of Mississippi, [352];
on pay of the army, [582];
against encouragement to privateer captures, [704].
See Index, vol. 3.
Bayly, Mountjoy, Sergeant-at-Arms to the Senate, [403].
Bainbridge, William, letter relative to the capture of the frigate Java, [717].
Baker, John, Representative from Virginia, [425], [577];
on the location of a military academy, [531].
Bank of the United States, dividends on stock of, [188];
capital of branches, [188];
expenses and losses, [188];
report on, [216].
Bank of the United States.—In the House, report on the memorial of the stockholders of the United States' Bank, [215].
In Senate.—Petition of the President and Directors for a renewal of their charter, [252];
bill to incorporate the subscribers considered, [266];
moved to strike out the first section, in order to try the principle, [266];
reasons of the committee for reporting the bill, [266];
Congress has power to pass such a bill, [266];
powers granted by the eighth section of the first article, [266];
the enumeration of certain powers excludes all other powers not enumerated, this point examined, [267];
not true when applied to express grants of power, strictly incidental to some original substantive power, [267];
subject examined, [267];
it is said Congress can exercise no power by implication, yet can pass all laws necessary to carry the constitution into effect, [267];
the power to create the Supreme Court must be derived by implication, [268];
explained by an example, [268];
according to the construction given to other parts of the constitution, Congress has the right to incorporate a bank to enable it to manage the fiscal concerns of the nation, [268];
the law to erect light-houses is not a law to regulate commerce, [269];
it is said the advocates of a bank differ among themselves in fixing upon the general power to which the right to create a bank is incidental, [269];
no man ventures to declare that a bank is not necessary, [270];
this is an apparent objection to the constitutional argument, [270];
the medium of State banks, [270];
the means by which the constitutional powers may be carried into effect, may vary if the powers do not, [270];
the motion to strike out goes to the entire destruction of the bill, [271];
the usefulness of the present bank admitted, [271];
what is the state of the bank in this city, [271];
the conduct of the bank has been honorable, liberal, and impartial, [271];
in every instance where it possessed the ability, it has met the wishes of the government, [271];
it is said these stockholders have enjoyed a boon for twenty years from which all others have been excluded, [272];
it is impossible to devise any written system of Government which after a lapse of time, extension of empire, &c. shall be able to carry its own provisions into operation, hence the necessity of implied or resulting powers, [272];
whence do you get the right to erect custom-houses, but as an implied power, [272];
want of power to grant an act of incorporation has ever appeared the most unsound and untenable objection, [272];
the situation of this bank on the expiration of its charter, and the effects on the community consequent upon it, [273];
the amount of specie in the United States, [273];
effects which the dissolution of the bank will have on the revenue and fiscal concerns of the country, [274];
will your money when collected be safe in the State banks? [274];
irksome to oppose a law which has been in existence twenty years, and acquiesced in by the State and General Governments, [275];
it has been said, that it is the fashion to eulogize the constitution, [275];
if it could be shown that there had been aberrations by Congress from the enumerated powers of the constitution, would it be correct to use those aberrations as precedents? [276];
the present constitution was adopted as a remedy for the non-compliance of the States with the requisitions under the Articles of Confederation, [277];
the present Government is in its nature and character a government of enumerated powers, reserving all unenumerated to the State Governments, or to the people, [277];
"to provide for the common defence and general welfare," explained, [277];
these terms contain no grant of power whatever, but are used to express the ends or objects for which particular grants of power were given, [278];
instances of aberrations from the enumerated powers examined, [278];
erection of light-houses, [278];
custom-houses, [278];
these two powers indispensably connected with and subservient to particular enumerated powers, [278];
light-houses among the common, necessary, and proper means, for the regulation of commerce, [279];
is the incorporation of a bank of this character? [279];
the defying manner of the arguments advanced in favor of the renewal of the charter, has occasioned this debate, in order to avert the passage of an unjustifiable law, [280];
it is said that this has been made a party question, although the first law passed prior to the formation of parties, [280];
explanation, [280];
the pointed difference which has been made between the opinions and instructions of State legislatures, and the opinions and details of deputations from Philadelphia, [280];
the new and unconstitutional veto which this bill establishes, [281];
the vagrant power to erect a bank after having wandered throughout the whole constitution, has been located on that provision which authorizes Congress to lay and collect taxes, [281];
suppose the constitution had been silent as to an individual department of this government, could you under the power to lay and collect taxes, establish a judiciary? [281];
what is a corporation such as the bill contemplates? [282];
the States have the exclusive power to regulate contracts, [282];
what participation has this bank in the collection of the revenue? [282];
the operations of the Treasury Department may be as well conducted without a bank as with one, [283];
the management of the landed system, [283];
it is said the construction given to the constitution has been acquiesced in by all parties, [283];
when gentlemen attempt to carry this measure on the ground of acquiescence, do they forget that we are not in Westminster Hall? [284];
the doctrine of precedents applied to the Legislature, is fraught with the most mischievous consequences, [284];
not empowered by the constitution, nor bound by any practice under it to renew the charter to this bank, [284];
all power may perhaps be resolved into that of the purse, by whom is it wielded? [284];
the Duke of Northumberland is said to be the most considerable stockholder in the bank, [285];
the principle here involved is most important; it is no less than whether we shall surrender to the State Governments the power of collecting our revenue, and rely upon the old system of requisitions, [285];
the bank has answered the most sanguine expectations of its authors, [285];
we are required to discard the lessons of experience, to try some new scheme, [285];
we are to ruin many innocent and unoffending individuals, and derange the finances, and for what? [286];
it is a contest between a few importing States, and the people of the United States, [286];
it is a contest between the friends and enemies of the federal constitution revived, [286];
if we yield to the States the collection of our revenue, what will remain of our Federal Government? [286];
it will be a political fiction, [286];
hostility to the Union would prompt to join the hue and cry against this institution, [286];
it is said that debate is useless on this question, [287];
to form a correct opinion we must retrospect the defects of the old government, and ascertain the remedy which was anticipated in the present constitution, [287];
the great cause of the inefficiency of the former was owing to its dependence on the States for the means to carry its powers into effect, [287];
the present constitution was framed with ample authority to pass all laws necessary and proper for the attainment of its objects, [287];
erroneous impressions have arisen from ignorance of facts relative to the practical fiscal operations of the government, [287];
the power to create a bank is not derived by implication, [287];
the Convention granted to the new Government in express and unequivocal language, ample authority to use all the means necessary and proper for the attainment of the ends for which it was instituted, [287];
the question of constitutionality depends upon facts dehors the instrument, [287];
if it be a fact that a bank is necessary and proper to effectuate the legitimate powers of government, then our power is express, and we need not resort to implication, [287];
endeavor to prove this to be a fact, [287];
the erection of a bank by the Congress of 1781, [287];
the opinion of General Hamilton, [288];
character of the Congress of 1781 stated, [288];
authority of Washington, [288];
the cry is, "down with the bank, huzzah for the party!" [288];
sound interpretation of the words "necessary and proper," [289];
those opposed to the bill, predicate their arguments upon the probability that the State banks will answer, this is an admission of the necessity, [289];
congeniality between a bank and the collection of our revenue, [289];
the repeated sanctions the bank has received from different Administrations is strangely accounted for, [290];
whence was derived a power to pass a law, laying an embargo without limitation, [290];
twelfth article of the amendments to the constitution considered, [290];
it is not pretended that our fiscal concerns could be managed with gold and silver, [290];
if the bank is removed, the Secretary of the Treasury must nationalize the bank paper of the great importing States, [291];
charges of British influence, [291];
the embarrassments at Philadelphia, it is said, could not have been occasioned by the bank, [292];
Kentucky, I am only thine, [292];
former course of proceeding in regard to the principle of a bill and its details, [292];
the course of the press on this subject, [292];
it is said, that this question is discussed on party grounds, [293];
a view of the beginning and operations of the bank, [293];
no democrat has been admitted as a director of this institution, except in New York, [294];
petty mischievous intrigue for carrying measures through Congress, [294];
for what do merchants form a part of the bank deputies? [294];
what did mechanics here say relative to granting this charter? [294];
there is scarcely an evil which has not been attributed to the embargo, and which is not now with as little justice attributed to the non-renewal of the charter of the bank, [294];
if not renewed, difficult to obtain loans, it is said, [295];
instructions to Senators, their force discussed, [296];
a State has not a moral right to violate the constitution, and cannot give it to her Legislature, nor the Legislature to the Senator, [296];
the primary question is, whether the General Government when it first came into operation, did not possess the power of creating a National Bank, [296];
to answer this, let us inquire whether there was any possibility of carrying into effect, with any tolerable convenience and advantage, the several provisions of the constitution, unless this power exists, [297];
it is admitted by all that the agency of a bank affords the greatest facility and security of any plan that can be devised for the collection of a revenue, and its transmission to the Treasury, [297];
other admissions stated, [297];
the consequence which follows from these admissions, [297];
if Congress once possessed this power, what has taken it away? [297];
to create this bank is said to be legislation by implication, [298];
it is said the corporation will be a monopoly, [298];
anticipated dangers of erecting corporations, [298];
a violation of the constitution, however solemnly sanctioned or long endured, can never become right, [299];
difference in the present case, [299];
recapitulation, [299];
rule of construction in construing the constitution, when legislating on enumerated powers, [300];
the authority to grant this charter is found in section seven, clauses first, second, and last, [301];
meaning of the words "necessary and proper," [301];
great stress is laid on that amendment which says "all power not expressly granted, shall be retained," &c., [301];
it is easy to prove that the broad grant given to Congress to legislate for the District of Columbia, in all cases is restricted and paled in by the constitution, [302];
this power to charter a bank is expressly granted, [302];
it is necessary and proper for carrying into effect another general power to borrow money, [302];
no arguments yet advanced to prove that this power is an original and substantive, and not a derivative or implied power, [303];
to determine if a measure is just and proper, we must consider whether it has a just or useful relation to the end, [303];
of all depositories banks are the safest, [303];
it is asked, why not confine the duty of the bank to collecting the public revenue? [303];
Congress are to devise means most sure and expeditious to borrow money, [303];
the safety and facility of commercial operations are greatly promoted by a general currency, [304];
it is said Washington doubted, [304];
objections offered by Mr. Jefferson, [304];
remarks of Hamilton, [304];
consequences of destroying the bank, [305];
distresses which will follow, [305];
answer to objections, [305], [306];
the prompt and secure collection of our revenue is principally owing to the influence of the bank, [307];
other objections examined, [307];
objections to the construction of different clauses of the constitution examined, [308];
it is said the history of the States will show that the bills of credit specified in the constitution, were those only which were a legal tender in the payment of debts, [309];
further debate, [310];
vote a tie, [311];
remarks of the Vice President, [311];
gives the casting vote against striking out the first section, [311].
In the House.—Bill to renew the charter of the Bank of the United States considered, [335];
moved to strike out the first section, [335];
motion intended to test the principle of the bill, [335];
Congress possesses no power to incorporate a bank, [335];
even if possessed, it is inexpedient to exercise it, [335];
ruin to the merchants and embarrassment to the government would not be paramount to sustaining the several obligations of supporting the constitution, [335];
reason of the construction given by various persons, [335];
this is in its nature obnoxious alarming in its tendency, and its influence irresistible, [335];
parts of the constitution which bear any analogy to this subject stated, [336];
does the establishment of a bank come within their meaning? [336];
it must be shown that the bank is necessary to the operations of the government, that without its aid our fiscal concerns cannot be managed, [337];
two things necessary to insure the stability of the government—avoid every measure that will produce uneasiness among the states or that will extend the jurisdiction of the government to subjects purely local, [337];
has not the bank produced serious alarm? [337];
the abuse of the convenience of obtaining loans is more dreaded than any other evil which will follow this measure, [338];
this is the most important subject upon which this Congress will be required to act, [338];
connection subsisting between the agricultural and commercial interests, [339];
enlightened legislators have entertained but one opinion on this subject both in this country and Europe, [339];
utility of bonds cannot be doubted, [339];
prosperity of the country attributed to this active capital which has excited industry, [340];
accommodations furnished by the bank, [340];
principal portion of the trade and business of the Union has been conducted on a paper medium, [340];
put down this bank and how are your revenues to be collected, [340];
this is not the time or place to inquire whether banks are beneficial or not to the nation, [341];
the section admitting of an increase of the capital stock a very dangerous feature, [341];
the Articles of Confederation and the present constitution do not differ as regards any power delegated by the states to Congress, [342];
interpretation of the constitution, [342];
experience shows that the decisions of Congress vary with the men who compose that body, and cannot be cited as settling a principle, [342].
This bill aims a deadly blow at some of the best principles of the constitution, [343];
this bill assumes the exercise of legislative powers which belong exclusively to the State Governments, [343];
one of the most serious dangers this government is threatened with, is the tendency to produce collisions between State and Federal authorities, [344];
the great line of demarcation between the powers of the two is well understood, [344];
axioms laid down in discussing constitutional questions, [345];
sufficient to call upon the advocates of a bank to show its constitutionality, [345];
argument of Hamilton, [345];
the federal government is said to be sovereign with regard to all the objects for which that government was instituted, [345];
this is a petitio principii, [345];
it is said, the bank is an innocent institution, [346];
one of its most obvious and distinguished characteristics is that it exempts the private property and persons of the stockholders, [346];
it authorizes the stockholders to take usurious interest, [346];
this bank incorporation possesses other qualities at war with the laws of the several states, [346];
it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is delegated to Congress, and five or six different provisions of the constitution are referred to as giving this right, [347];
the very circumstance of so many different heads of authority is conclusive evidence that it has no very direct relation to any of them, [347];
the "sweeping clause," [347];
Hamilton's mode of reasoning, [347];
it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is included in the power to lay and collect taxes, [347];
no man ought to complain of the weakness of a government whose powers may be reasoned up by logic like this, [347];
the constitution is not a mere designation of ends for which the government was established, leaving to Congress a discretion as to the means, [348];
it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is implied in the power to regulate trade between the states, [348];
it is said to be included in the power to borrow money, [348];
absurdities into which this doctrine of implication leads, [349];
it is said to be necessary to the regular and successful administration of the finances, [349];
one or more state banks in almost every state, [349];
it is said, if the bank would be constitutional without the existence of the state banks, it would be equally so with, [349];
question to strike out the first section carried, [350];
note, [350];
passage of the bill in the House, [350];
note, [351].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Bankrupt Act.—See Index, vol. 2.
Bard, David, Representative from Pennsylvania, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Barker, Joseph, Representative from Massachusetts, [36].
Barry, William T., Representative from Kentucky, [316];
on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, [320].
Bartlett, Josiah, Representative from New Hampshire, [424].
Bassett, Burwell, Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on the number of seamen in the naval service, [228];
urges reform in the expense of the navy, [231];
on reduction in the navy, [239], [244];
on the claim of Matthew Lyon, [426];
on encouragement of privateers, [581];
on prize money to the officers and crew of the Constitution, [593];
on the imprisonment of American seamen, [594], [595];
in favor of a naval establishment, [603];
on encouragement to privateer captures, [703];
on privateer pensions, [704].
See Index, vol. 3.
Batture at New Orleans.—In Senate, memorial of Edward Livingston, presented and referred, [118].
In the House.—Resolution to refer the subject of title to the Attorney General for him to collect testimony, &c., [148];
the true course is to give the parties the right of appeal from the Orleans court to Supreme Court of the United States, [148];
important law points involved, [148];
the batture claimed is in the bed of the river, [148];
what could the Attorney General do in the case? [148];
what influence was his opinion to have? [148];
impossible to see how an individual having property, in which he was put in possession in 1804, by a judicial decision, could be dispossessed of it in 1807, [148];
this batture never was claimed as private property until after it came into possession of the United States, [149];
nothing new to refer a subject to the head of a department, [149];
a constitutional difficulty in the case, [149];
has Congress the power to decide the validity of this claim? [149];
has Congress a right in order to determine the title to landed property, to refer it to any tribunal whatever? [149];
admitting all this to be true, it does not apply to the present case, [149];
the question is whether it is public property or not, [149];
question examined on the ground of the right of the citizen, [150];
if a citizen is put in possession of property by a decree of a court, and afterwards dispossessed by military power, where should he come if not to this House to claim redress? [150];
this claim should never be confounded with the Yazoo claim, [150];
the doctrine nullum tempus occurrit reipublicæ, is a dangerous one, [150];
the present case stated, [151];
is there a precedent for this transaction? [151];
the President has not carried the law into effect, [151];
the act of 1807 contains two clauses bearing on the subject, [152];
if there has been any violation of right, it was in the passage of the law under which the President acted, [152];
resolutions offered in the House, [191];
laid on the table, [192];
bill to provide means to ascertain the title considered, [223];
various amendments considered, [223].
Bayard, James A., Senator from Delaware, [26], [121], [176], [264], [403], [571];
reports to Senate a bill for a National Bank, [183];
moves an amendment to the bill to enable the President to take possession of the country east of the Perdido, [313];
against the declaration of war, [418].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Baylies, William, Representative from Massachusetts, [124].
Bibb, George M., Senator from Kentucky, [400], [570].
Bibb, William W., Representative from Georgia, [36], [125], [188], [315], [425], [577];
on the ordinance of 1787, [42];
on the ordinance of 1787, [46];
on the bill relative to batture at New Orleans, [223];
on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, [320], [324];
on Indian affairs, [428];
on the British intrigues, [516], [519];
against the renewal of Whitney's patent right, [533];
on war taxes, [715].
See Index, vol. 3.
Bidwell, Barnabas, [437];
note, [437].
See Index, vol. 3.
Bigelow, Abijah, Representative from Massachusetts, [317], [424], [577];
against the admission of Mississippi, [352];
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, [386];
on imposing additional duties, [538].
Bill to prevent abuse of privileges enjoyed by foreign ministers, [169].
Blackledge, William, Representative from North Carolina, [36], [425], [577].
See Index, vol. 3.
Blaisdell, Daniel, Representative from New Hampshire, [124], [187], [316];
against the admission of Mississippi, [352];
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, [377].
Blake, John, jr., Representative from New York, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Blank ballots, shall they be counted?—In the House on election for Speaker two blank ballots were cast, shall they be counted? [125];
blank pieces of paper cannot be considered as votes, [125];
instance, the election for President in 1801, [125];
is there to be a Speaker without an election? [125];

the committee report that no candidate has a majority, [125];
the Speaker may become President and preside over the destinies of the nation, [125];
no analogy with the Presidential election, [125];
establish such a precedent, and it may put an end to this government, founded on the principle that the majority shall govern, [125];
motion for a new ballot carried, [125].
Bleecker, Harmanus, Representative from New York, [424], [577];
on imposing additional duties, [540];
against the embargo bill, [550];
on the objects of the war, [644].
Blount, Thomas, Representative from North Carolina, [36], [425];
on a quartermaster's department, [477].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Boone, Daniel, petition of, [707].
Boyd, Adam, Representative from New Jersey, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on the batture at New Orleans, [149];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
on the reduction of the navy, [242];
on foreign relations, [460];
on the bill laying an embargo, [544], [545];
on an additional military force, [626].
See Index, vol. 3.
Boyle, John, Representative from Kentucky, [46].
See Index, vol. 3.
Bradley, Stephen R., Senator from Vermont, [3], [118], [166], [250], [400], [576];
appointed President pro tem. of the Senate, [26];
on a recess of Congress, [412].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Breach of Privilege.—Report of committee relative to the letter of I. A. Coles, [204].
See Index, vol. 2.
Breckenridge, James, Representative from Virginia, [125], [187], [315], [424], [579].
Brent, Richard, Senator from Virginia, [33], [118], [168], [252], [400], [570];
on a Bank of the United States, [295].
Bribery.—See Index, vol. 1.
Brigadier Generals additional.—In the House the bill to authorize the President to appoint additional brigadier generals considered, [551];
if these officers are intended to command the militia the bill should not pass, [551];
Governors of States better acquainted with qualifications of the militia officers than the President, [551];
what spirit can be in the people to submit to this? [551];
no necessity of more generals for the regulars, [551];
if this bill passes our government will be as bad as that of Great Britain before the revolution, [551].
Brigham, Elijah, Representative from Massachusetts, [424], [577];
on rules and orders of the House, [471];
on imposing additional duties, [541];
on an additional military force, [621].
British Intrigues.—Message from the President to Congress, with certain documents, showing that through the British Minister a secret agent was employed in certain of the States, fomenting disaffection to the authorities, and in intrigues to the disaffected, [506];
letter of Mr. Henry to Mr. Monroe, with the documents, [506];
letter of the Secretary of the Governor of the British provinces to Mr. Henry, employing him as a secret agent, [506];
letter of general instructions to Henry by is employer, [507];
credential of Henry, [507];
answer to the Secretary accepting the employment, [507];
answer to the letter of instructions, [508];
letters of Henry to the Governor General, from Burlington, Windsor, Amherst, and Boston and Montreal, [513];
letter of Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel, with a memorial to Lord Liverpool, for compensation for services rendered, [514];
letter of Mr. Peel, containing the answer to the memorial, [514];
report of Secretary of State, relative to persons connected with Henry, [515].
Motion to print, [515];
protest against attributing the sentiments expressed in these letters as belonging to the Federalists, to citizens of Connecticut, [515];
no confidence in the statements, [516];
a full investigation ought to be had, [516];
the papers are honorable testimony in favor of the eastern section of the Union, [516];
what is the fact, [516];
serious consideration should be given before such gross abuse of any section is published, [517];
papers calculated merely to put the people on their guard against emissaries, [517];
they show the deep hostility of this foreign power to our government, [517];
British Ministers have at some periods of their lives been employed on such business, [517];
extracts from letters of Mr. Erskine, [517];
a division of the Union is not a new subject, [518];
these documents will exhibit to the American people what sort of a nation we have to deal with, [518];
is the information useful to us, [518];
the subject should be followed up with a full and prompt examination, [518];
no difference of opinion in supporting the integrity of the Union, [519];
motion to print agreed to, [519];
Mr. Henry has done service to this country by this communication, and ought to be protected, [519];
question referred to the committee on foreign relations, with authority to send for persons and papers, [519];
letter from the British Minister disclaiming all knowledge of John Henry's asserted mission, [522];
report from the committee on foreign relations relative to these disclosures, [524];
note, [525].
British Minister, conduct of, in the Senate, resolutions relative to, reported, [169];
bill relating to privileges of foreign ministers also reported, [169];
resolutions approving the conduct of the Executive, in refusing to hold any further communication with Mr. Jackson, considered, [169];
peculiarities of our Government, [170];
the refusal of the Executive may lead to war, yet Congress alone has power to declare war, [170];
Congress should express its opinion on the act of the Executive, [170];
this is due to the people, [170];
it is due to the Executive, [170];
will the President have the co-operation of Congress? [170];
it is of national importance that the will of Congress should be expressed, [171];
would the conduct of Great Britain be very different under these different conditions of the people and the government, [171];
did any people ever gain any thing by dissensions? [171];
never wrong to join the standard of your country in a war with foreign nations, [171];
are the facts stated in the resolution supported by the correspondence? [172];
letter of Mr. Jackson, [172];
what does it amount to? [172];
the insult is gross and outrageous, [173];
other expressions examined, [173], [174];
Canning's course, [174];
if the facts are justified by the correspondence, what can prevent unanimity on the present occasion? [175];
ordered to third reading, [176];
passed, [176].
In the House.—An important paper headed "Circular," has not been communicated to Congress, [192];
resolution, calling on the President for a copy, [192];
despatch of Mr. Canning also called for, [192];
improper to call upon the President for that which cannot be officially in his possession, [192];
a copy in Secretary's office, [192];
motion carried, [192];
other papers called for, [192];
"Circular" of Mr. Jackson, [193].
The first question involves the veracity and dignity of the American Government, and the reputation of a British Envoy, and in some degree the British Ministry, [193];
origin of the mission from Great Britain to the United States, [193];
what were the circumstances which characterized its progress and termination? [194];
if such were the circumstances, does not the occasion require that the American Government take a firm and decided stand? [195];
the present is no time for causeless crimination of our Government, [195];
the terms offered to us are not honorable and reciprocal, [195];
the resolution is rendered peculiarly important by the occasion, [195];
there is more than a presumption that Mr. Erskine had the power to enter into the arrangement he made, [195];
what did the President know of his powers? [196];
did he know that Mr. Erskine had not full power? [196];
it was not his duty to know that he had not full powers? 197.
Motion to postpone indefinitely the resolution approving the conduct of the Executive relative to the British Minister, considered, [197];
the resolution unnecessary and pernicious, [197];
it descends to a style of expression unworthy of the country and the dignity of its Government, [198];
it looks toward war, [198];
a resolution of approbation against all example for the last eight years, [198];
some doubts whether the majority were the same party as in former years, [199];
the right of approbation implies the right of disapprobation, [199];
it is proposed that this solemn assembly, representing the American people, shall descend from its dignity to utter against an individual the language of indignation and reproach, [199];
this is to be done under pretence of asserting their rights and vindicating their wrongs, [200];
it is no slight responsibility which this House is about to assume, [200];
all the other questions agitated in this debate dwindle into insignificance, [200];
no speaker yet has taken the precise terms of the resolution as the basis of his argument, [200];
the resolution analyzed, [200];
it asserts that a certain idea is conveyed which is indecorous and insolent, [200];
what is this idea? [201];
what are the expressions in which it is conveyed? [201];
parts of the letter examined in which the idea is conveyed, [201];
a corroborative view of the subject, [202];
recapitulation, [203];
the resolution merely respects the conduct of the British Envoy, [204];
it is not an answer to a message from the President of the United States, [205];
it is not a declaration of war, [205];
the correspondence between the British Minister and the American Secretary examined, [205];
the whole civilized world a spectator of this discussion, [205];
resolution ordered to be read a third time, [206];
authorities to show the competency of Mr. Erskine's powers, [206];
Erskine never entertained a doubt of the competency of his powers, [206];
extracts from his letters, [207];
the British Government could not disavow the acts of its Minister without incurring the charge of bad faith, [207];
past transactions reconsidered, [207];
this measure will fix a stain on the American character and hazard the peace and prosperity of the country, [208];
fate of every country to cherish demagogues, [208];
the letters of Jackson do not contain the insult imputed to them, [209];
the insult examined, [209];
what were the circumstances upon which the King justified his disavowal? [209];
the want of authority in Mr. Erskine assigned as the sole ground, [210];
letters further examined, [210];
the insult explained away, [210];
resolution passed, [211].
Brown, James, Senator from Louisiana, [573].
Brown, John, Representative from Maryland, [124], [188].
Brown, Obadiah, elected Chaplain of the House, [37].
Brown, Robert, Representative from Pennsylvania, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Burwell, William A., Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [197], [315], [424], [594];
on an extra session, [103];
on permitting Swedish and Portuguese vessels to load, [127];
on the petition for a division of the Mississippi Territory, [141];
on the Batture at New Orleans, [148];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [155];
on trade to the Baltic, [205];
opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, [224];
on the Bank of the United States, [335];
on privateer pensions, [704].
See Index, vol. 3.
Butler, William, Representative from South Carolina, [187];
makes a report on the conduct of General Wilkinson, [248].
See Index, vol. 3.
C
Calhoun, John C., Representative from South Carolina, [425], [577];
on foreign relations, [447];
on the case of Nathaniel Rounsavell, [529];
on mode of relief of Caraccas, [532];
makes a report on foreign relations, [554];
presents a bill declaring war against Great Britain, [554];
on an additional military force, [693].
Calhoun, Joseph, Representative from South Carolina, [36], [125], [187], [315].
See Index, vol. 3.
Campbell, Alexander, Senator from Ohio, [176], [250], [400], [566].
Campbell, George W., Representative from Tennessee, [36];
on submission to the late dictate England and France, [48];
against amendments of the Senate requiring an immediate arming, &c., of public vessels, [97];
on an extra session, [103];
Senator from Tennessee, [400], [566];
on a recess of Congress, [412].
See Index, vol. 3.
Campbell, John, Representative from Maryland, [37], [124], [191], [320].
See Index, vols. 2 and 3.
Carr, Francis, Representative from Massachusetts, [577].
Caraccas, Relief of.—In the House, resolution to authorize the President to procure and send flour for the inhabitants of Caraccas, [532];
better to suspend the restrictive system as to them, [532];
why should party feelings enter into this proposition? [532];
the amendment proposed would virtually repeal the embargo, [532];
no necessity to suspend the embargo, [532];
other amendments offered, [532];
resolution passed, [532];
$50,000 voted, [532].
Census of the Union.—See Index, vol. 1.
Chamberlain, John C., Representative from New Hampshire, [124], [187], [316].
Chamberlin, William, Representative from Vermont, [124], [187], [316].
See Index, vol. 3.
Champion, Epaphroditus, Representative from Connecticut, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
See Index, vol. 3.
Champlin, Christopher, Senator from Rhode Island, [176], [252].
See Index, vol. 2.
Chauncey, Isaac, letters to the Secretary of the Navy, [572], [573].
Cheves, Langdon, Representative from South Carolina, [425], [577];
in favor of a naval establishment, [477];
on an additional military force, [697];
on encouragement to privateer captures, [704];
reports a bill to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, [706];
on war taxes, [715].
Chittenden, Martin, Representative from Vermont, [36], [124], [187], [316], [424], [577].
See Index, vol. 3.
Clarkson's History of Slavery presented to Congress, [112].
Clay Henry, Senator from Kentucky, [177], [252];
on the bill relative to non-intercourse with France and Great Britain, [177];
presents petition of Elisha Winters for reward, for causing the death of the Mississippi River Pirate, [184];
gives notice of asking leave to bring in a bill supplementary to the act relative to the punishment of certain crimes, [185];
on the occupation of Florida, [261];
on incorporating a Bank of the United States, [279];
reports against extending the charter of the old bank, [311];
reports a bill to enable the President to take possession of the country east of the Perdido, [313];
Representative from Kentucky, [425], [577];
elected Speaker, first session, [12]th Congress, [425];
address, [425];
on the Statutes of Limitation, [475];
on a naval establishment, [496];
offers an amendment to the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State Government, [520];
on the limits of Louisiana, [523];
in favor of the bill laying an embargo, [545];
on an additional military force, [613];
against encouragement to privateer captures, [703];
acknowledges vote of thanks of the House, [719].
See Index, vol. 3.
Clay, Matthew, Representative from Virginia, [37], [125], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on an additional military force, [617].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Clinton, Dewitt, voted for as President, in 1812, [574].
Clinton, George, Vice President, presides in the Senate, [3], [116];
elected Vice President in 1808, [27];
number of votes for, as President, [27];
as Vice President, [27];
as Vice President gives casting vote in Senate against U. States' Bank, [311];
takes seat in Senate as Vice President, [400];
decease of, [411].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Clopton, John, Representative from Virginia, [36], [187], [319], [427];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [112].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Cobb, Howell, Representative from Georgia, [125], [187], [315], [425].
See Index, vol. 3.
Cochran, James, Representative from North Carolina, [125], [187], [315], [435], [580].
Coles, Isaac A., letter to the Speaker of the House, [183].
See Index, vol. 1, [2].
Cod-Fisheries.—See Index, vol. 1.
Commerce of the United States.—See Index, vol. 1.
Committees, Select, resolution relative to formation of, [426];
members of, in House, [426].
Compensation of President and Vice President.—See Index, vols. 1, [2].
Condict, John, Senator from New Jersey, [3], [118], [168], [252], [400].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Condit, Lewis, Representative from New Jersey, [424], [577].
Congress, second Session of Tenth, [3];
meeting of the two Houses to count Electoral votes, [27];
adjournment of second Session of Tenth, [114];
first Session of Eleventh, [116];
third Session of Eleventh Congress, [250];
third Session of Eleventh Congress adjourned, [312];
adjournment of third Session of Eleventh Congress, [399];
commencement of first Session of Twelfth Congress, [400];
second Session of Twelfth meets, [566].
Extra Session.—In House, motion to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress, [101];
moved to strike out May, for the purpose of inserting September, [102];
this is a momentous crisis, [102];
country in a situation of extreme danger, [102];
Congress should be constantly in session till a more favorable state of affairs exists, [102];
nothing likely to occur to do away with the necessity of an extra session, [102];
why should Congress come here at the time proposed? [102];
a new President comes in, who will desire communication with our ministers before the meeting of Congress, [102];
occurrences are presenting themselves every day, requiring some other ground to be taken, [102];
a total abandonment of the ocean will be submission, [102];
are we to renew negotiation, when every circumstance manifests that it would be useless? [102];
the present suspension of commerce and discontents at home, are sufficient reasons for calling Congress earlier than December, [103];
new Administration should meet Congress as early as possible, [103];
war the only means to secure the interest and honor of the nation, [103];
reasons that Congress should meet in May, [103];
is the nation to be saved by long speeches? [103];
forty-eight hours sufficient to pass all laws for the present crisis, [103];
an early session will contribute to tranquillize the minds of the people, [103];
if peace is attainable, we must have it; if not, then war, [103];
necessary to change our situation previous to next meeting of Congress, [103];
reason of the fear in Great Britain that Parliament would not meet often enough, [104];
Congress do more good by staying away, [104];
leave an extra session to the Executive, [104];

motion to strike out lost, [104];
bill passed, [104].
In the Senate, resolution offered for a recess from the 29th of April, [412];
ordered to be engrossed, [412];
moved to fill the blank with "4th Monday in June," [412];
sufficiently early to take measures in consequence of the expiration of the embargo, [412];
a long time would accommodate better than a short time, [412];
effect on the public mind the same, [412];
the question should not be decided on the mere ground of personal convenience, [412];
an adjournment for any length of time, like deserting our posts, [412];
not deserting our posts, [413];
by staying here, Congress cannot expedite the measures ordered, [413];
eighth of June adopted, [413];
resolution passed, [413].
Connecticut, vote for President, in 1808, [27];
in 1812, [573], [711].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Constitution and Guerriere, letter from the Secretary of the Navy, on the action between, [593];
bill to compensate the officers and crew of Constitution frigate, [709];
considered, [709], [710];
bill to compensate officers and crew of, considered, [717], [719].
Contested Elections.—See Index, vols. 1, [3].
Convoy System.—In the House, bill reported to employ public armed vessels to convoy the lawful commerce of the United States, [225];
moved to discharge the Committee of the Whole, [226];
embraces two important principles not to be discussed in committee, [226];
motion lost, [226].
Cook, Orchard, Representative from Massachusetts, [36], [141], [352];
in favor of an immediate arming of the public vessels, [97], [98];
on additional duties on English and French goods, [109].
See Index, vol. 3.
Cooke, Thomas B., Representative from New York, [424], [580].
Cox, James, Representative from New Jersey, [124], [187].
Craig, Sir J. H., his instructions to John Henry, [507].
Crawford, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
Crawford, William H., Senator from Georgia, [3], [121], [168], [250], [400], [566];
on the repeal of the embargo act, [11];
on incorporating a Bank of the United States, [266], [305];
on an increase of the navy, [407];
elected President pro tem. of the Senate, [409];
presides in the Senate as President pro tem., [566].
See Index, vol. 3.
Crist, Henry, Representative from Kentucky, [125], [188].
Canning, Mr., extract from speech of, in Parliament, [120].
Cuba, emigrants from.—In Senate, resolution relative to, offered, [121];
referred, [122];
further resolution, [122].
In the House.—Bill relative to the remission of certain penalties considered, [163];
the bill, [163];
opinion of Court of South Carolina, [163];
the former act on the importation of slaves, [163];
present case directly violates that law, [163];
what reason for enacting this law, if the principles of the law of 1807 were correct? [164];
this is a case of a peculiar nature, attended with singular circumstances, [164];
the laws of South Carolina forbid bringing those persons into the State, [164];
the persons bringing them, must give security to have them carried out, which could not be done under the non-intercourse law, [164];
slaves brought to New Orleans, [164];
the objects of this bill do not appear on the face of it, [164];
bill passed, [165].
Culpeper, John, Representative from North Carolina, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Cumberland Road, report on, [530].
See Index, vol. 3.
Cushing, T. H., Adjutant-General, letter of, [712].
Cutts, Charles, Senator from New Hampshire, [250], [400], [566].
Cutts, Richard, Representative from Massachusetts, [36], [124], [187], [315], [577];
moves to strike out "seventy-fours," and insert "frigates," 606.
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
D
Dana, Samuel W., Representative from Connecticut, [36], [124], [187];
on necessity of additional revenue cutters, [47];
on the immediate arming of the public vessels, [98];
on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, [128];
on prosecutions for libel, [134];
on amendment to, [137];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [152], [161];
on an investigation of the Navigation Laws, [188];
on the call on the President for papers, [192];
on the torpedo experiment, [218], [220];
on the loan bill, [227];
on reform in the expense of the Navy, [230];
on reduction of the Navy, [243];
Senator from Connecticut, [250], [400], [570].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Davenport, John, jr., Representative from Connecticut, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on the proceedings on counting the electoral votes, [105].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Daviess, Joseph Hamilton, note, [435].
Davis, Roger, Representative from Pennsylvania, [424], [578].
Dawson, John, Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187], [315], [424], [577];
moves to refer the letter of Robert Fulton, [214];
reports on, [214];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
on the ratio of representation, [432];
on foreign relations, [452];
on the burning of Richmond Theatre, [474];
on the petition of Ursuline Nuns at New Orleans, [476];
on the limits of Louisiana, [523];
offers a resolution of honor to officers and seamen of the Constitution, for the capture of the Guerriere, [578];
on compensation to the officers and crew of the frigate Constitution, [709].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Deane, Josiah, Representative from Massachusetts, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Debates, reporting of.—See Index, vol. 2.
Decatur, Stephen, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy 598.
Defensive Measures against Great Britain, under John Adams.—See Index, vol. 2.
Delaware, vote for President, in 1808, [27];
in 1812, [573], [711].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Delegates from Territories.—See Index, vol. 1.
Desha, Joseph, Representative from Kentucky, [36], [125], [187], [315], [425], [577];
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, [69];
on Foreign Relations, [450];
on an additional military force, [696].
See Index, vol. 3.
Dinsmoor, Samuel, Representative from New Hampshire, [424], [577].
Diplomatic Intercourse.—See Index, vol. 2.
Divorces in the District of Columbia, report on, [505].
See Index, vol. 3.
Dunn, Thomas, elected doorkeeper of the House, [126];
elected sergeant-at-arms to the House, [425].
Durell, Daniel M., Representative from New Hampshire, [36];
in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, [100];
on an extra session, [103].
See Index, vol. 3.
Duties on Imports.—In Senate, bill for imposing additional duties read the third time, [31];
motion to postpone to a distant day, [31];
the subject is a commercial one exceedingly important, [31];
the bill can be advocated only upon the ground that a war is about to ensue, and to prepare the public treasury to sustain its prosecution, [32];
but neither the one nor the other is expected or necessary, [32];
Gallatin's reports, [32];
the measure will also be both unequal and unjust, [32];
the new duty will operate as a bounty to forestalled and speculators, [32];
bill passed, [32].
In the House.—The bill to impose additional duties considered, [107];
motion to confine increased duties to goods of England and France, [109];
motion lost, bill ordered to be engrossed, [109].
Manufactures, Domestic.—In the House, resolution to lay an additional duty on coarse hemp and flax considered, [428];
cotton added, [428];
the proposition should include all the domestic manufactures of the country, [428];
the present a favorable time to adopt some measures to encourage and support domestic manufactures, [428];
merely a proposition to instruct a committee, [428];
laid on the table, [428];
taken up, [431];
amendment laying a duty on salt moved, [431];
irregular manner of proceeding, [431];
further debate on the practice of the House, [431];
ill-timed to tax an article when it may be very difficult to procure it, [431];
why this great cry about domestic manufactures? [432];
what will be the effect of taxing salt, [432].
In the House.—Engrossed bill laying additional duties, [538];
the creation of a public debt ought to be accompanied with the means of its extinguishment, [538];
this is the true secret of rendering public credit immortal, [538];
it is surprising to learn that doubling the duties is the only means to be provided for this purpose, [539];
this will be a most unpopular tax, [539];
it is an unjust measure, [539];
what will be the consequence of passing the bill? [539];
great changes have taken place since the adoption of the present tariff, [540];
three purposes intended to be furthered by duties on imported merchandise, [540];
the objections to the bill are palpable and obvious, [540];
its tendency to promote smuggling, [541];
the unfortunate policy adopted in 1806 has destroyed the purity and elevation of commercial morals, [541];
a reliance on the impost as the means of supporting the war in connection with an abandonment of the internal taxes, teaches that our Government is unfit for the purpose of foreign and offensive war, [541];
the protection and regulation of commerce has become a prime object of legislation, [541];
it is the cause of war, [542];
this increase of impost is a tax which will operate unjustly and unequally, [542];
burden on the people of the Eastern States, [542];
desirable to recommit the bill in order to learn the sentiments of the House on the repeal or the partial suspension of the present non-importation act, [542];
if this act was suspended and we had a trading and not a fighting war, we should have sufficient revenue under the present rates of duties, [543];
letter of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of revenue examined, [544];
a very left-handed way of encouraging the manufactures of this country, [543];
motion to strike out the words "one hundred" before per centum lost, [543].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Duties on Tonnage.—See Index, vol. 1.
E
Earle, Elias, Representative from South Carolina, [425], [577].
Electoral Votes for President, examination and counting of, [27].
Opening and Counting.—In House, resolution offered to notify the Senate, [105];
it is now proposed that the Senate come to the House, and that the Speaker leave the chair to make room for the President of another body, [105];
such a proceeding would derogate from the dignity if not the rights of this body, [105];
a respect we owe ourselves and the people never to suffer the privileges of this House to be diminished, [105];
in counting the votes the House of Representatives is not assembled as a distinct body, [105];
propriety in this course because by the constitution the Vice President is to open the votes, [105];
moved that when the Senate was introduced the Speaker relinquish the chair to him, [105];
propriety of the President of the Senate presiding at a joint meeting, [105];
as regards the privileges of the House against the claims of the other, the ninth part of a hair was important, [105];
the English Commons obtained their privileges inch by inch, [105];
if he comes to this House, the President of the Senate comes by courtesy, and can assume the chair only as a matter of favor, [106];
the constitution prescribes the powers of each body, and no fear of encroachment, [106];
motion carried, [106];
votes counted, [106];
counting of, [573], [711].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Electors of President.—See Index, vol. 1.
Elliot, James, Representative from Vermont, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Elliot, Jesse D., letters to the Secretary of the Navy, [571], [572].
Ely, William, Representative from Massachusetts, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on arming and classing of the militia, [708].
See Index, vol. 3.
Embargo.—In Senate resolution to repeal the act laying an embargo offered, [5];
light in which it has been viewed by France, [5];
not a measure of hostility or coercion as applied to her, [5];
little effect on England, [5];
could America expect to starve her? [6];
it was a farce, [6];
ample time had been given for her to make other arrangements, [6];
what accounts have we from there? [6];
they can actually purchase provisions cheaper now from other places than they formerly had done from us, [6];
turn to another article of trade, cotton, [6];
it has been said a want of this article would distress the British manufacturers and produce clamor among them, and hence accelerate the repeal of the Orders in Council, [6];
are not all the evil consequences anticipated from the embargo likely to be realized? [6];
Great Britain become the carriers of the world, these carriers will supply themselves, [6];
get supplies of cotton elsewhere, [6];
this embargo instead of operating on those nations which had been violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to the people of the United States, [7];
it should be abandoned as a measure wholly inefficient for the objects designed, [7];
some thought its efficiency would be secured by adding a non-intercourse law, [7];
this idea futile, [7];
the United States are consumers of British products, [7];
what had patriotism really done? [7];
non-intercourse law cannot be executed, [7];
party spirit should now have been laid aside, and all consulted for the common good, [7];
if the spirit of commercial speculation has overcome all patriotism, it is time foreign intercourse should cease, [7];
the proposition for repeal hardly merits respect or serious consideration, [8];
a most important subject, deeply implicating, and perhaps determining the fate of the commerce and navigation of this country, [8];
our commerce has unquestionably been subject to great embarrassment, vexation, and plunder from the belligerents of Europe, [8];
both France and England have violated the laws of nations, [8];
the one professes to relent at the inconvenience she occasions you, and the other in addition to depredation and conflagration, treats you with the greatest disdain, [8];
their conduct gave rise to the embargo, [8];
if it has been proved by experience to be inoperative so far as regards them, and destructive as respects ourselves, it should be repealed, [8];
the propriety of this is now the question, [8];
three points naturally to be considered, [8];
the security which it gave to our navigation, and the protection it offered our seamen, its effects on France and Great Britain in coercing them to adopt a more just and honorable policy towards us, the effects it has and may produce on ourselves, [8];
it has already answered all that can be expected in regard to security to navigation and seamen, [8];
its longer continuance will counteract these objects, [8];
its operation is nugatory on France, [9];
its operation on Great Britain, [9];
the subject should be taken up with coolness, [10];
it is charged that there is a disposition to break down commerce, for the purpose of erecting manufactures on its ruins, [10];
the charge a mere electioneering trick, [10];
the ground is taken that the embargo has prevented all our commerce, [10];
this is not shown, [10];
operation of the Decrees of France, [10];
operation of the Orders in Council, [10];
a tribute required for license to trade, [10];
has the embargo been productive of the consequences expected to result from it, [11];
it has not had a fair trial in consequence of misrepresentations, [11];
has the embargo operated more upon the United States than on the European powers, [11];
one object of the resolution doubtless to obtain information of the operation of the embargo throughout the Union, [11];
the sentiments of the people of Georgia on the subject, [12];
effects of the measure on ourselves, [12];
the produce of the lands of Georgia lies on hand, [12];
it is said that Great Britain will find some source whence to obtain the supplies she has heretofore got from us, [12];
the cotton interest is willing to run the risk of the continuance of the embargo, [12];
it is said this measure cannot be executed, [12];
it has been so far executed as to produce a good effect, [12];
the charge of an intention to destroy commerce examined, [13];
a disposition to make this measure permanent, [13];
this measure intended and calculated to promote the interests of France, [13];
no danger from war, it is said, except through a repeal of the embargo, [13];
statements in relation to the present views of England favorable to the embargo are not entitled to credit, [13];
cause of the change in Mr. Canning's language, [14];
the Essex resolutions, [14];
how are these orders and decrees to be opposed but by war, except we keep without their reach, [14];
attempts to ridicule the measure exposed, [14];
it is said that if the embargo is repealed we can carry on a safe and secure trade to the extent of nearly four-fifths the amount of our domestic productions, [14];
this statement examined, [15];
if the embargo had not been laid, would the British aggressions have stopped with the Orders in Council, [15];
if the embargo is repealed, and our vessels suffered to go out, it will expose us to new insults and aggressions, [15];
it is said that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the interests and feelings of the people may lead to opposition and insurrection, [15];
this is an argument in terrorem, [15];
more information needed on this subject, [16];
better if the proposition had expressed indignation at the injuries our Government had received, [16];
situation of the European world when Congress deemed it necessary to pass the embargo, [16];
prudence and policy dictated this measure, [17];
the mission of Mr. Rose, [17];
effects of the measure on the country, [18];
feelings of gentlemen who once possessed the power of the nation, but have now lost it, [18];
the outrages of the belligerents should have awakened such indignation as to suppress these feelings, until some measures could be devised to meet the crisis, [18];
the greatest inconvenience perhaps attending popular governments stated, [19];
two objects contemplated by the embargo, [19];
the first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves, [19];
the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents, [19];
the first considered and explained, [19];
effects of the embargo, [20];
our fate is in our own hands, with union we have nothing to fear, [20];
danger of exposing one's self to the charge of being under British influence, [21];
the patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders know better, [21];
the wrongs of Great Britain to us intended to be removed by the treaty, [21].
Enforcement of the Embargo, bill making further provision for, reported, [21];
sections of the bill, [21];
an embargo over a country like ours a phenomenon in the civilized world, [21];
opinions relative to the embargo, [21];
course proposed to be pursued, [22];
this bill bears marks of distrust of the people, entertained by the Government; it places the coasting trade under further vexatious restraints, [22];
particulars in which it is placed under the regulation of the President, [22];
other sections intrench on the ordinary concerns of the great body of the people, [22];
the military may be employed by agents under this bill, [23];
authority of the marshal competent to execute the laws, [23];
further objections to the bill, [23];
the bill presents temptations for addressing the popular sensibility too strong to be resisted by gentlemen in the opposition, [23];
they have presented its provisions in an alarming aspect, [23];
the bill contains no new principle, every provision is justified by precedents in pre-existing laws, [24];
it is said the embargo is a permanent measure, and its effects ruinous at home and ineffectual abroad, [24];
it is said the public councils are pressing on to measures pregnant with most alarming results, [24];
the great principle of objection, it is said, consists in the transfer of legislative powers to the Executive Department, [24];
objections to the provisions of the bill relative to the coasting trade, examined, [25];
power granted to the President over the military force in previous acts of the Legislature, [26];
passage of the bill, [26].
In the House.—Many resolutions have been submitted on the subject of foreign relations and the embargo, [40];
surprising to see so many resolutions and none contemplating its continuance, [40];
where is that spirit which separated us from Great Britain? [40];
just as our measure of last year is beginning to operate we are called upon to repeal, [40];
what is the purport of the proclamation issued by one of the belligerents? [41];
resolutions offered to exclude vessels of belligerents having force decrees or orders violating the lawful commerce of the United States; also imports from such powers, and also to inquire into the expediency of amending the embargo act, [41];
it is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper measure, to come forward and declare it, [41];

neither of the powers of Europe have shown any disposition to relax, neither should we, [41];
only three alternatives are open to us—war, embargo, or submission, [41];
the last out of the question, [41];
shall it be war or embargo? [41];
let that be adopted which will best maintain our rights and independence, [41];
the embargo does not cause the pressure on the people, [41];
public opinion in the Northern part of the Union requires the embargo to be raised, [41];
let the debate go on, [41];
first and second resolutions agreed to, [42].
Embargo, Temporary.—Bill for, passed in the Senate, [410];
In the House, message received from the President relative to laying an embargo for sixty days, [544];
bill reported, read twice, and referred to the Committee of the Whole, [544];
moved to strike out sixty, and insert one hundred and twenty days, [544];
the time will be much too short for the whole amount of American property abroad to return, [544];
motion lost, [544];
is this to be considered as a peace or war measure? [544];
it is understood to be a war measure, and it is intended it shall lead directly to it, [544];
objections to parts of the bill, [544];
drafted according to the wishes of the Secretary of the Treasury, [544];
if it is a precursor to war what is the situation of our fortresses and of the country generally? [545];
none can question the propriety of the proposition, [545];
are we now to cover ourselves with shame and indelible disgrace by retreating from the measures and grounds we have taken? [545];
the conduct of France may be a subject of future consideration, [545];
no difficulty or terror in the war except what arises from novelty, [545];
a source of pride that the Executive has recommended this measure, [545];
this is not a measure of the Executive, but is engendered by an intense excitement upon the Executive, [545];
the people of the country will consider it a subterfuge for war, [545];
at the end of sixty days we shall not have war, because the Executive dare not plunge us in war, [545];
are we prepared to assail the enemy or repel her attacks? [545];
motion to strike out first section lost, [545];
the President does not mean war, [545];
unless Great Britain relents we must make war, says the President, [546];
we should not go to war unprepared, [546];
what occurred in the Committee of Foreign Relations, [546];
if you mean war, if the spirit of the country is up to it, why have you spent five months in idle debate? [546];
not possible to commence war with safety within four months, [546];
warning of the danger and ruin which threaten our defenceless cities and towns, [547];
the intelligent part of the community are against war, [547];
bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, [547];
moved to read third time to-morrow, [547];
policy on the part of the majority should dictate this indulgence, [547];
the minority has acted with more propriety than was ever known, [547];
other reason for delay, [547];
motion lost, [547];
bill passed, [547].
Bill returned to the House with amendments by the Senate, [548];
moved to postpone indefinitely, [548];
it is a pure, unsophisticated, reinstated embargo, [548];
the same power which originates can continue this oppressive measure, [548];
it is not an embargo preparatory to war, but an embargo as a substitute for war, [548];
this point examined, [548];
Heaven help our merchants from an embargo protection, [549];
an express was sent off on the day preceding the Message, [549];
is this measure expedient, and can it be executed? [549];
this House should desist from the dangerous course they are pursuing, [550];
views of Great Britain, [550];
motion to postpone, [550];
main question ordered, [550].
See Index, vol. 3.
Emott, James, Representative from N. Y., [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on Miranda's expedition, [143];
on commercial intercourse, [353];
presents petition of merchants of New York, [432];
on an additional military force, [668].
Eppes, John W., Representative from Virginia, [37], [125], [187], [315];
on the resolution calling on the President for papers, [192];
on the convoy system, [225];
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, [360].
See Index, vol. 3.
Evans, Oliver, claim for different applications of steam-power, [404].
Executive Departments.—See Index, vol. 1.
Expatriation.—See Index, vol. 2.
Expenditure of Public Money.—In the House, a resolution to appoint a committee to inquire into the expenditure of public money, [429];
the result of a former inquiry, [429];
how do pursers in the Navy receive their money? [429];
extract from a letter, [429];
the abuses should cease, [429];
resolution agreed to, [430].
Extra Session.—Bill to alter the time of the meeting of Congress considered, [717].
See Congress.
F
Federal Judges, amendment of the constitution to secure the removal of, [530].
See Index, vol. 3, Amendments of the Constitution.
Findlay, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, [128];
on foreign relations, [454].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Fisk, James, Representative from Vermont, [36], [315], [424], [577];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [153];
on the Torpedo experiment, [220], [221];
offers a resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, [223];
opposes postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, [224];
on the ratio of representation, [318];
on the Bank of the United States, [338];
against a naval establishment, [504];
on the pay of the army, [587];
on amendments to the naturalization law, [594].
Fisk, Jonathan, Representative from New York, [124], [187], [315].
See Index, vol. 3.
Fitch, Asa, Representative from New York, [424], [577].
Flag of the United States.—See Index, vol. 1.
Florida, West, occupation of.—In the Senate, bill to extend the laws of the Territory of Orleans over West Florida, reported, [252];
debate on its passage, [253];
the first important question is whether the United States have a good title to the territory, [253];
what were the limits of Louisiana before the treaty and cession of 1762-3 between France, Spain, and Great Britain? [253];
the treaty of cession between the United States and France examined, [253];
the expediency of taking possession of this territory cannot be doubted, [254];
other grounds upon which this bill might be supported, entirely independent of the cession, [255];
state of the Spanish colonies in relation to the Spanish Government, [255];
this bill may be justified independent of title by the law of self-preservation, [255];
this bill contains two important provisions, it incorporates with the territory of Orleans the province of West Florida, and it extends to that province the laws now in force in the Territory, [255];
two questions naturally involved, [1]st, has the United States a good title? 2d, is it expedient? [256];
authority of the President to direct a forcible occupation of the Territory a preliminary question, [256];
has not this proclamation transcended the limits of the President's power? [256];
what is the nature and import of this proclamation? [256];
it is not only war, but an act of legislation too, [256];
new power conferred by acts of Congress, [257];
not a shadow of authority exists, [257];
title examined, [257];
as founded on the doctrines of estoppel and occupancy, [257];
title of France, [258].
An instrument thus obtained not obligatory, [258];
title derived under the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, [258];
cause of the war of 1756, [258];
its results, [258];
remarks on the evidences and facts relative to title, [260];
our title indisputable against both France and Spain, [261];
the treachery by which the King of Spain is alleged to have lost his crown, [261];
our title to West Florida examined, and the propriety of the recent measures for the occupation of it, [261];
our title depends on the limits of the province of Louisiana, and a just exposition of treaties, [261];
to determine this, it is only necessary to fix the eastern boundary, [261];
the province of Louisiana comprised West Florida previous to 1762, [262];
what was then done? [262];
what, then, is the true construction of the treaties of St. Ildefonso and of April, [180]3? [262];
is the proclamation an authorized measure of war and legislation? examined, [263];
had the President failed to embrace the opportunity he would have been criminally inattentive to the dearest interests of his country, [264].
Floridas, occupation of, an act to authorize, [422];
postponed, [423];
resolution relative to, [561].
Florida, purchase of.—See Index, vol. 3.
Foreign Ministers, abuse of Privileges.—See Index, vol. 3.
Foreign Relations.—In House, resolution that the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor, and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France, considered, [48];
the resolution too clear to need demonstration, [48];
the committee believed there could be no difference of opinion on the subject of the resolution, although there might be on the mode of resistance, therefore it was presented, [48];
not necessary to show that the decrees of France and orders of Great Britain were an assumption of power to give laws to this country in direct violation of our neutral rights, [48];
the real question is, shall we govern ourselves or be controlled by the will of others? [49];
upon our offer to remove the embargo if either party would rescind, no heed has been given, [49];
the proposition now offered unexceptionable, [49];
the course advocated in the report of the committee is loathsome, [49];
the resolution offers a solemn pledge to the nation that the present system of public measures shall be totally abandoned, [49];
adopt it and there is an end of the policy of deserting our rights under the pretence of maintaining them, [49];
the terms of the resolution contain an assertion and a pledge, [49];
none need have difficulty in screwing their courage up to the assertion, [50];
the pledge is a glorious one, [50];
what is submission and what does the pledge not to submit imply, [50];
objects of the edicts and orders, [50];
tenor of publications from the East which are sent here, [50];
objects of the two powers with regard to us, [51];
efforts of our Minister, [51];
the chapter of negotiation, [52];
the conduct of officers of the British navy and the connivance of the British government, [52];
further aggressions, [53];
the present an extraordinary crisis, [54];
examination of the situation of this country in relation to France and Great Britain, and also the injuries and aggressions they have committed upon our neutral rights, [54];
injuries of Great Britain, [54];
principal injuries committed by France, [55];
consequences which result from this series of injuries, [55];
the rude treatment of the report of the committee, [56];
how did the report originate, [57];
not one of all the principal positions contained it which is true in the sense and to the extent assumed by the committee, [57];
the alternatives of submission, war, or embargo considered, [57];
what is disgraceful submission? [58];
we can trade not only with one, but with both these belligerents notwithstanding these restrictive decrees, [58];
the other alternative of war with both is absurd, [59];
further examination of the report, [59], [60];
objections considered, [61].
A silent vote on the proposition would have produced a better effect than this discussion, [63];
the report seems to consider the system recommended as including a continuance of the embargo, [63];
the embargo is severely felt by the country at large, [63];
in some places it requires all the exertions of patriotism to support it, [63];
members have contended as to which section suffered most, [64];
it is said that this is a delusion, [64];
it is thought the country cannot feel much as it feeds well, [64];
in point of revenue how does it work? [65];
as a measure of finance it has laid the axe to the root, [66];
would the constitutional convention have given to Congress power to lay an embargo for one or two years, if it had been agitated? [66];
the character of this measure examined, [66];
it is said the embargo is evaded, and thus has not been so tightly drawn with regard to Great Britain, [67];
the continuance of our measures may divert trade from us to other channels, [67];
it is said, the honor of the country is at stake, a removal of the embargo would be submission to Great Britain, [68];
what is the nature of the rights in question, [68].
The continuance of the embargo as an assertion of our rights is not an efficient mode of resistance, [69];
if gentlemen were really Americans, they would not tamely give up the honor of their country by submitting to French decrees and British orders, [70];
do they mean that independence should be wrested from us without a struggle? [70];
what are the reasons why the embargo has not come fully up to the expectations of its supporters? [70];
yet it has been particularly serviceable in many instances? [70];
a retrograde step at this time would mark the Government with pusillanimity, [70];
effect of the French decrees, [71];
results of the British orders, [71];
the House of Representatives only of Maryland have passed resolutions against the embargo, [72];
the militia system caused the change in Maryland and not the embargo, [72];
it is said, the embargo has destroyed the commerce of the country, [72];
the embargo is a disagreeable thing, but by swallowing it, we shall bring health, [73];
some States have passed laws for suspending executions, [73];
the only question is, shall we defend ourselves or shall we submit? [74];
upon this question, in every point of view too clear to admit of a doubt, a debate has arisen embracing all our foreign relations, [75];
the offer to suspend the embargo laws for a suspension of the Orders in Council, has been contemptuously rejected, those orders justified, and an extension of their operation threatened, [75];
in this crisis every man should do his part, [75];
the original imposition of the embargo was wise in a precautionary point of view, [75];
after the operation of the Orders in Council was known insurance could not have been effected at Baltimore to London for 90 guineas per cent., [75];
mercantile distresses have been exaggerated, [76];
the embargo has preserved us from bloodshed, [76];
if the embargo has failed it is no cause of triumph, [76];
it is asked if we are prepared to violate the public faith, [76];
will submission pay the public debt? [76];
it is said the embargo itself is submission, [77];
it is the opponents of the measure who call it submission, [77];
who, in the United States, are most anxious to have the embargo repealed? [77];
ultra-federalists, [77];
the embargo is the most deadly weapon we can use against Great Britain, [77];
what is the nature of her wants, and what her capacity and means of supply? [77];
there are not contained within the British empire at this time supplies for the home and colonial consumption, [78];
to remove the embargo will betray a timid, wavering, indecisive policy, [78];
supplies should be withheld from Spain and Portugal, as Great Britain is coerced through them, [78];
the embargo preserves this nation in peace, while it presses those who injure us, [78];
it should not be repealed in part, [79];
give merchants a spot as large as the square of this House to go to, and they would carry away the whole of our surplus produce, [79];
the Orders in Council originated in deadly hostility to us, [79];
South Carolina is interested, by the suspension of our trade, in the article of cotton alone, to an amount greater than the whole revenue of the United States, [80];
objections examined and considered, [81];
it is said the embargo should be removed because it has operated as a bounty to the British trade, [81];
constitutionality of the embargo settled, [82];
it is said if Great Britain, during the Revolution, maintained a war against the world, will she truckle now? [82];
deposition of sundry English merchants before the House of Lords, [82];
it is said the destruction of St. Domingo has caused such a demand for sugar, that the cultivation of cotton in the British West Indies has ceased, [83];
it is disgracefully said that, nations like individuals, should pocket their honor for money, [83];
why are we called upon to make the declaration of this resolution? [84];
it is not expedient to adopt the second resolution, [84];
what will be the effect of the embargo, if continued, as respects ourselves? [85];
its pressure is on the whole country, and it carries misery throughout the land, [85];
a better line of conduct for the United States to pursue pointed out, [85];
will most of our property be taken by the belligerents if the embargo is removed? [86];
merchants do not consider the risk very great, [86];
we are not reduced to the dilemma of making choice out of any of the alternatives recommended by the committee, [86];
the resolution is unnecessary because no clear, definite, practical results can flow from it, [87];
it is said we are bound to vote, whether the assertion is true or false, [87];
it is said the resolution is harmless at the worst, [88];
it should be rejected on account of the "company it keeps," [88];
we have gone on so long in error that it is not easy to say what should be done, [88];
a retrospective view of our affairs, [88], [89], [90];
it may be said, what has happened could not be prevented, [91];
it is said, if we suffer our commerce to go on the ocean, it will be crippled by France or Great Britain, [92];
nothing so well calculated to call out the resistance and obstinacy of Great Britain, as this measure of the embargo, [92];
the King of England dare not yield to our embargo, [93];
the object of our present legislation should be to relieve our country from the distresses under which it groans, [93];
resolution divided by omitting the words "and France," [94];
first part passed in committee, [94];
second part passed, [94];
resolution passed in the Senate, [94];
other resolutions passed, [94].
In the House.—The report of the Committee on Foreign Relations considered, [432];
explanation of the views of the committee, [432];
the report is only in part, with the intention to follow up the resolutions if adopted, with ulterior ones, [432];
committee satisfied that all hope of accommodating our differences with Great Britain by negotiation, must be abandoned, [433];
are the maritime rights which Great Britain is violating, such as we ought to support at the hazard and expense of a war? [433];
no prospect of a speedy repeal of the Orders in Council, [433];
we are a young nation, and cherish some pride and spirit, as well as justice and moderation, [433];
we ought to go to war, in opposition to the Orders in Council, [433];
the United States can make a serious impression upon Great Britain, at sea, even without a navy, [433];
question taken on the first resolution for filling the ranks of the present army, and carried, [434];
question on the agreement to the second resolution, authorizing the raising an additional regular force, [434];
are seven millions of Americans to be protected in their lives and liberties by ten thousand vagabonds, who were fit food for gunpowder? [434];
it would be necessary to know the ulterior views of the committee, [434];
for what purpose are these troops wanted? [434];
the gentleman was a member of the committee, and attended its sittings, [434];
it is due to the committee to explain their conduct in the outset, [434];
Republicans should remember that a few years ago, a set of men who held different politics, held the reins of Government, [435];
if your minds are resolved on war, you are still Republicans, [435];
what are we called upon to decide? it is whether we will resist by force the attempt made by that Government to subject our maritime rights to the capricious rule of her will, [435];
war is already begun, [435];
it is a question of peace or war, [436];
how can gentlemen calling themselves Republicans, advocate such a war? [436];
those who opposed the army are denounced as partisans of France, [436];
in 1805, the committee recommended raising troops owing to the defenceless condition of the frontiers; yet, this report was considered too strong by the House, [437];
it is insinuated that the massacre on the Wabash was instigated by the British Government, [437];
note [437];
this war of conquest, for the acquisition of territory and subjects, is to be a new commentary on the doctrine that republics are destitute of ambition, [438];
the war spirit in gentlemen from the South, not surprising, [438];
gentlemen avowed they would not go to war for the carrying trade, yet they stickle for our commercial rights, and will go to war for them, [438];
gratifying to find the demoralizing and destructive consequences of the non-importation law acknowledged, [439];
the committee has out-stripped the Executive, [439];
our people will not submit to be taxed for this war of conquest and dominion, [439];
the defenceless state of our seaports, [440];
danger arising from the black population, [440];
the unjust and illiberal imputation of British attachments against certain characters in this country, [440];
further debate [441];
the expulsion of the British from their North American possessions, and granting letters of marque and reprisal against Great Britain, are contemplated, [442];
for the first time there seems to be but one opinion with the great majority of this body, that war with Great Britain is inevitable, [442];
we must now oppose her further encroachments by war, or formally annul the Declaration of Independence, [442];
the Canadian French, [443];
why are they to be despised? [443];
it has been denied that British influence had any agency in the massacre on the Wabash, [443];
our identity with the people and institutions of Great Britain, [444];
the ties of religion, language, blood, as it regards Great Britain, are dangerous ties to this country, with her present hostile disposition, [444];
the military regular forces have been called mercenaries, [445];
it is a question of war or submission, [445];
it is contended that it is a dispute about the carrying trade, [445];
the carrying trade is as much the right of the American people as the carrying the products of their own soil, and is secured by the British treaty, [446];
the massacre on the Wabash, [446];
the principles that ought to govern civilized nations, have at all times been disregarded by the officers and agents of the British Government, [446];
mercenary objects should not be ascribed to gentlemen, as motives for the war, [446];
the report means nothing but war or empty menace, [447];
the gentleman from Virginia is in error, through inadvertency, or mistake, [447];
a menacing system has nothing to commend it, [447];
menaces should be resorted to with as much caution and seriousness as war itself, and should, if not successful, be invariably followed by it, [448];
an additional force is a measure evidently improper, but as a preparation for war; but undoubtedly necessary in that event, [448];
this country should never resort to war but for causes the most urgent and necessary, [448];
if the war ensues it can be proved justifiable and necessary by facts undoubted, and universally admitted, [448];
the question, in the opinion of opponents, is reduced to this single point—which shall we do, abandon or defend our own commercial rights? [448];
gentlemen will not say, we have not a good cause for war, but insist that it is our duty to define it, [448];
what do they mean by this? [448];
the objections urged, consist of an enumeration of the evils incident to war, however just and necessary; if they have any force, it is calculated to produce unqualified submission to every species of insult, [448];
it is said the country is in an unprepared state, [449];
whose is the fault? [449];
it is said the nation will not pay taxes, for the defence will cost more than the profit, [449];

the dangers of war are next held up, [449];
no disposition manifested on the part of Great Britain to relax her oppression or to make restitution for damages, but, on the contrary, a disposition to persist in her lawless aggressions, [450];
remonstrances against atrocities have been made, in vain, [451];
we have been plundered, oppressed, and insulted, but the day of retribution is at hand, [451];
if the British Government would cease to violate our neutral and national rights, our difficulties would be at an end, [451];
we must prepare to maintain the right to carry our produce to what market we please, or to be content without a market, [452];
no objection to declare the points for which we go to war, [452];
the previous question should not be used, to put an end to this debate, [452];
further debate, [453];
the resolutions considered as a measure of hostility, according to the views of their advocates and as a measure of defensive preparations, agreeable to the spirit of the Executive recommendation, [453];
the invasion of Canada to be deprecated as an act of foreign conquest, [454];
war to be feared from a manly dread of its consequences, [454];
retrospect of our relations with Britain since nearly the commencement of the present Government of the United States, [455];
this view shows the expediency of increasing our regular force, [455];
by the adoption of this report, we are entering on a system of operations of the utmost national moment, [455];
some regret that vigorous measures had not been adopted long since, [456];
why should the wise policy of the past be condemned? [457];
reasons for opposing the measure, [457];
this is to be a foreign offensive war, as regards Canada, [458];
all the belligerents had deserved war at our hands, [458];
but the policy of the Republicans had been to cherish peace, and to avoid war, even to this time, [458];
in 1778-'9, the best interests of the country forbade war, and so the people determined, [458];
professions of peace brought in the Republican party to power, [458];
if there were any differences between the causes of the war then, and now, it was in favor of the former period, [458];
what were the facts? [458];
it is said to be a principle of honor to resist a first insult, [458];
impossible to perceive how the present, of all others, had become the necessary and accepted time for war, [458];
if the country ever determines on war, any force should be voted, [459];
reasons for voting for the measure, [459];
the right of carrying our own produce, in our own ships, to any quarter, should never be yielded, [460];
it is said, the war will be one of aggrandizement, of conquest, [460];
if we force England to a treaty, how long will she keep it? [461];
new men and new doctrines have succeeded to the old Republican party, [462];
the nation has been brought to its present alarming and unprecedented situation, by means in nowise unaccountable, [462];
by steps as direct and successive as the pictures of the "Rake's Progress," [462];
America ought to be proud of her Anglo-Saxon origin, [462];
it has been asked, why was the country unprepared for defence? [463];
this is not to be a party war, it is said, [463];
"Goose Creek," [464];
note, [464];
second resolution carried, [464];
third resolution carried, [465];
fourth and fifth resolutions carried, [465];
sixth resolution laid on the table, [465];
taken up, [466];
what reasons are there to induce us to authorize our merchant vessels to arm against unlawful molestation on the high seas, [467];
what is the object of this measure? [467];
resolution concurred in, [468];
report on, [554].
Foster, Augustus J., as British minister disclaims any knowledge of John Henry, [522].
France, relations with, during John Adams' administration, see Index, vol. 2.
Franking Privilege.—See Index, vols. 1, [2], Post Office.
Franklin, Jesse, Senator from North Carolina, [3], [116], [176], [252], [400], [566].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Franklin, Meshack, Representative from North Carolina, [125], [188], [316], [425], [577].
See Index, vol. 3.
Freedom of Conscience.—See Index, vol. 1.
French Refugees.—See Index, vol. 1.
French Spoliations, statement and representation of Capt. Samuel Chew, [526];
laid on the table, [527].
See Index, vol. 2.
Frontiers, Protection of.—See Index, vol. 1.
Fugitives from Justice.—See Index, vol. 1.
Fulton, Robert, letter relative to torpedoes, [213];
referred, [214].
G
Gaillard, John, Senator from South Carolina, [3], [116], [166], [250], [400], [566];
appointed President pro tem. of Senate, [179];
elected, [184].
See Index, vol. 3.
Gallatin, Albert, reports relative to barred claims, [185];
letter as Secretary of the Treasury, [188];
Secretary of the Treasury, letter of, relative to suspension of non-importation, [714].
See Index, vols. 1, [2].
Gannett, Barzillai, Representative from Massachusetts, [124], [187], [319].
Gardenier, Barent, Representative from New York, [48], [124], [191], [350];
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, [87];
on remunerating those who resisted the law for a direct tax, [137];
on prosecutions for libel, [139];
on the call on the President for papers, [192];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215].
See Index, vol. 3.
Gardner, Francis, Representative from New Hampshire, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Gardner, Gideon, Representative from Massachusetts, [124], [188], [316].
Garland, David S., Representative from Virginia, [212], [315].
Garnett, James M., Representative from Virginia, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
General Officers, additional, bill relative to, considered, [712].
Georgia, vote for President in 1808, [27];
in 1812, [573], [711].
Georgia Land Claim.—See Index, vol. 3.
German, Obadiah, Senator from New York, [116], [166], [250], [400], [566];
on the declaration of war, [416].
German Language, laws in, see Index, vol. 2.
Gerry, Elbridge, elected Vice President, [574].
See Index vols. 1, [2].
Gholson, Thomas, Jr., Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187], [315], [426], [577];
on foreign relations, [53];
on the Batture at New Orleans, [151];
on the conduct of the British minister, [193];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
reports on the petition of Amy Dardin, [216];
on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, [324];
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, [352];
on the statutes of limitations, [475];
on the British intrigues, [516].
Giles, William B., Senator from Virginia, [3], [116], [166], [250], [400];
on the repeal of the Embargo Act, [18];
reports a bill for the enforcement of the embargo laws, [21];
on the bill for the enforcement of the embargo, [23];
offers an amendment to extend non-intercourse to all foreign nations, [118];
reports a bill to prevent abuse of privileges by foreign ministers, [169];
on the conduct of the British minister, [169];
on incorporating a bank of the United States, [275];
on an additional military force, [405].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Gilman, Nicholas, Senator from New Hampshire, [3], [116], [166], [250], [400], [566];
reports the bill engrossed in favor of an additional military force, [403].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Gold, Thomas R., Representative from New York, [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on the Batture at New Orleans, [151];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
favors postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, [224];
on the ratio of representation, [317];
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, [388];
on rules and orders of the House, [468];
on making provision for a corps of engineers, [531];
on pay of the army, [584];
in favor of a naval establishment, [601];
on an additional military force, [615].
Goldsborough, Charles, Representative from Maryland, [36], [124], [187], [315], [577];
on the ratio of representation, [319].
See Index, vol. 3.
Goodrich, Chauncey, Senator from Connecticut, [3], [116], [166], [250], [400], [566];
on the bill for the enforcement of the embargo, [21].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Goodwyn, Peterson, Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187], [315], [424], [577].
See Index, vol. 3.
Goose Creek, note, [464].
Gray, Edwin, Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [188], [316], [432], [594].
See Index, vol. 3.
Green, Isaiah L., Representative from Massachusetts, [36], [424], [577].
See Index, vol. 3.
Gregg, Andrew, Senator from Pennsylvania, [5], [116], [166], [264], [400], [510];
elected President pro tem., see Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Griswold, Stanley, Senator from Ohio, [121], [166].
Grosvenor, Thomas P., Representative from New York, [706].
Grundy, Felix, Representative from Tennessee, [425], [577];
on domestic manufactures, [428];
on Indian affairs, [428];
on foreign relations, [434];
on the British intrigues, [519];
on the recall of absentees, [533];
on the bill laying an embargo, [544];
presents a bill to raise an additional military force, [547];
on the objects of the war, [641];
on war taxes, [715];
on an extra session, [717].
Gunboats.—See Index, vol. 2.
H
Habeas Corpus, suspension of, &c., see Index, vol. 3.
Hale, William, Representative from New Hampshire, [124], [187], [319].
Hall, Bolling, Representative from Georgia, [425], [577].
Hall, Obed, Representative from New Hampshire, [424], [577].
Hall of the House of Representatives, how it may be used, [214].
Hamilton, Paul, Secretary of the Navy, letter to Lieut. Elliot, [573].
Hamilton, Mrs., claim of, in the House, report on the petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [212];
report favors the claims of the petitioner on grounds of equity, but declares they are barred by the statute of limitations and ought not to be granted, [215];
the late Gen. Hamilton had no claim on the Government under the resolution of the old Congress, [215];
no claim, notwithstanding the statute, [215];
hundreds of cases equally hard, [215];
the impoverished old soldiers should be relieved before claims of this kind are granted, [215];
if the statute was unjust it should be repealed; if not, exceptions should not be made but with extreme care, [215];
Gen. Hamilton in service until the close of the war, [215];
did not resign his commission by accepting a seat in Congress, [215];
Congress had relieved the daughters of Count de Grasse, [215];
the statute of limitations was never intended to bar just claims, [215];
bill ordered to be reported, [217];
bill reported and amendments proposed, [218];
passage of the bill, [218].
Harper, John A., Representative from New Hampshire, [424], [577].
Harris, John, Representative from New York, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Haven, Nathaniel A., Representative from New Hampshire, [124], [187], [320].
Hawes, Aylett, Representative from Virginia, [424], [577].
Hazen, Charlotte, petition of, [266].
Heister, Daniel, Representative from Pennsylvania, [126], [187], [315].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Heister, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, [36].
Helms, William, Representative from New Jersey, [36], [124], [187], [316];
against petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Hempstead, Edward, Delegate from Missouri Territory, [620];
on Mississippi land claims, [702].
Henry, John, letters of, [506], [508], [509], [510], [511], [512], [513], [514];
memorial to Lord Liverpool, [514].
Hickman, Harris H., letter to Lieutenant Elliot, [573].
Hillhouse, James, Senator from Connecticut, [3], [116], [166];
offers resolution to repeal the embargo act, [5];
on the repeal of the embargo act, [5];
resigns his seat in the Senate, [250].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Hoge, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, [36].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Holland, James, Representative from North Carolina, [37], [125], [203], [315];
on the immediate arming of the public vessels, [98];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [157];
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, [352].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Holmes, David, Representative from Virginia, [36].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Home Manufactures in the House.—See Index, vol 3.
Horsey, Outerbridge, Senator from Delaware, [250], [400], [566];
on the occupation of Florida, [255].
House.—Meeting of 2d session of 10th Congress, [36];
assembles on 1st session, [11]th Congress, [124];
adjournment of 1st session of 11th Congress, [165];
adjourns at close of 2d session of 11th Congress, [249];
meeting at 3d session of 11th Congress, [315];
meets at 1st session of 12th Congress, [424];
adjourns at close of 1st session of 12th Congress, [544];
meets at 2d session of 12th Congress, [577];
adjourns 3d session of 12th Congress, [720].
Howard, Benjamin, Representative from Kentucky, [36], [125], [187];
presents the petition of naturalized British subjects, [46];
his proclamation as Governor of the Missouri Territory, [707].
See Index, vol. 3.
Howell, Jeremiah B., Senator from Rhode Island, [400], [566].
Howland, Benjamin, Senator from Rhode Island, [3].
See Index, vol. 3.
Hubbard, Jonathan H., Representative from Vermont, [124], [187], [316].
Hufty, Jacob, Representative from New Jersey, [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
Humphreys, Reuben, Representative from New York, [36].
Hungerford, John P., Representative from Virginia, [424];
declared not entitled to a seat, [432].
Huntington, Ebenezer, Representative from Connecticut, [315].
Hunter, William, Senator from Rhode Island, [400], [570].
Hyneman, John M., Representative from Pennsylvania, [424], [577].
I
Ilsley Daniel, Representative from Massachusetts, [36].
Impeachment.—See Index, vol. 3.
Importation of Slaves.—See Index, vol. 3.
Imports.—See Duties on Imports.
Imprisonment for Debt.—See Index, vol. 2.
Inaugural Address of James Madison, on commencing his second term as President, [575].
Indemnity for Spoliations. See Index, vol. 1., Great Britain.
Indiana Territory.—Committee appointed to consider the expediency of dividing, [87];
report of committee relative to a division of, [96].
Indian Affairs.—In the House, a resolution offered to extend the laws of the United States over all white persons residing on Indian lands within the United States in which the title is not extinguished, [428];
Indian countries have become an asylum for persons guilty of every enormity, [428];
do not the laws of the United States at present extend to cases of this kind, [428];
a recent case in Georgia, [428];
some defects in the present law by which petty officers escape, [428];
laid on the table, [428].
Indian lands within a State, rights over.—See Index, vol. 1.
Indian Trading Houses.—See Index, vol. 1.
Ingersoll, Jared, voted for as Vice President in 1812, [574].
Inoculation of the Army, petition relative to, [709].
Intercourse, Commercial.—In the House, bill from the Committee of Foreign Relations considered, [352];
the bill, [353];
exempts all vessels, owned wholly or in part by American citizens, and merchandise, from seizure or forfeiture, which have left British ports prior to February 2d, [181]1, [353];
moved to amend so as to exempt all vessels and merchandise, [353];
the amendment will at once give a clear deck, [353];
the law of May last, authorized the President to proclaim the fact, if either France or Great Britain revoked her edicts, and non-intercourse should ensue with the other, [353];
France revoked her edicts; Britain did not, and non-intercourse is in force with her, [353];
this fact doubted, and should be inquired into, [353];
the bills to lay additional duties, and to authorize a loan, furnish additional reasons for this bill, [353];
if the non-intercourse has not gone into effect, new taxes and loans are not needed, [353];
proceedings of the Executive relative to Great Britain, [353];
the President has acted differently under two laws, which ought to have the same practical construction, [354];
is it said, the President had no knowledge of the blockading orders of May, or that it was avowed to be comprehended in the Orders in Council? [354];
as to France, what are the edicts revoked, and how? [354];
the Rambouillet decree, [354];
it purports to be an act of reprisal on this country, [354];
what ought to have been the feelings of the Administration and of the country, in relation to this measure? [355];
this is taking property under false pretences, in its nature, [355];
another view of this decree, [355];
another mistake of this Government, [355];
the practical operation of our law, [355];
apologists of the Emperor point to the act of 1st June, [355];
object in view in this examination of the decree of Rambouillet, [356];
threats and insults of the French Emperor, [356];
have these decrees been so revoked or modified as to cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States? [356];
these decrees have two distinct operations, [356];
the seizure of our property, and its sale, [356];
if there has been any modification, it only prevents future seizures, leaving the property already seized to take the course of confiscation and sale, [356];

has there been such a revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees, as warranted the proclamation? [357];
it was not credited that it could be issued on the letter of the Duke of Cadore, [357];
what is the understanding of the French courts and officers on the subject? [357];
the revocation, if any, was a future one, [357];
it was also conditional, [357];
puzzling to determine whether it was a condition precedent or subsequent, [358];
the conditions on the part of England, [358];
conditions on the part of France, [358];
conditions on the part of this country, [358];
the right of not being vexed or endangered by paper blockades, respected, [358];
the flag is to protect the property, and search is not to be permitted, [359];
how are we to cause those rights to be respected? [359];
are we prepared for those conditions? [359];
it may be said, that the letter of the Duke of Cadore, if not itself a decree, is evidence of a rescinding decree, [359];
the letter of Mr. Russell, [359];
moved to strike out the whole of the bill, [360];
it is a new duty for Representatives to present under a suspicious aspect, either the motives or the acts of the Executive branch of their Government, [360];
in no nation, ancient or modern, was such a thing seen, unless in the last stages of corruption, [360];
the whole fact should have been stated in regard to the letter of the Duc de Cadore, and the answer of General Armstrong, [360];
why is the President's proclamation disapproved? [360];
the letter of Mr. Erskine was not a repeal of the British orders, [360];
no difference in the ground taken by the Executive, except that one arrangement was with Great Britain, and the other with France, [360];
shown from the correspondence, that the President did not, under the act of the last session, require the revocation by Great Britain, of any blockade, except that of May, 1806; and that blockade must have been included in the demand under the act of last session, [361];
extract from the Message of the President, [361];
declaration of our Secretary to General Armstrong, [361];
declaration of General Armstrong and the Duc de Cadore, [361];
statement of Lord Wellesley, [361];
do. [361];
thus the demand was confined to the blockade of 1806, [362];
was this blockade such a violation of the neutral rights of the United States, as to come decidedly within the act of last session? [362];
this blockade presents three distinct characters, [362];
1st. It obstructs a trade from one port to another, of the same enemy; 2d. It obstructs trade from the port of one enemy to the port of another; 3d. It obstructs trade of neutrals from their own country to any part of the coast from the Elbe to Brest, [362];
it is in violation of the principles contended for by every Administration under the American Government, [362];
letters of Mr. King and Mr. Marshall, [362];
some observations on the bill before the House, [363];
the construction put on the non-intercourse law is perfectly within its object, [363];
further explanation of the law, [363];
views of the committee, [363];
unwillingness to imply by any vote, a recognition of the efficacy of the non-intercourse law, which could not have an operative force until May, is a motive to sustain the amendment, [364];
truth of the position as to the operation of the law, demonstrable, [364];
not answer to argue from the intention of the legislature, [364];
the words of the act are explicit, and the meaning plain, [364];
pledge contained in the act relative to commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, [364];
explanation of this pledge, [364];
the same proposition was presented to both the latter nations, [365];
if either would revoke its edicts, no goods or wares of the other, should, three months thereafter, be imported into the United States, [365];
France did so revoke her edicts, [365];
this amendment proposes to repeal the non-intercourse act, excluding the merchandise of Great Britain, although France has so repealed her edicts, and Great Britain has not, [365];
this is a direct breach of faith, [365];
the excuse is, that the President had no right to issue his proclamation, and that the assurances of France were deceptive, [365];
the President is expressly instructed by the non-intercourse act to make the proclamation, [365];
as well might the legitimacy of a treaty be questioned after it had been ratified, [365];
how could the President act a different part upon the evidence in the case? [365];
if this diplomatic evidence is not to be received, an end is put to all diplomatic intercourse, [365];
if Great Britain had made the like communication, and the President had taken the like course, what would have been said by these gentlemen? [365];
they approve the proclamation in the case of Great Britain, but denounce a similar proposition in the case of France, [366];
it is said, the non-intercourse act is not in force; whence do gentlemen derive the power to declare an act of Congress not in force? [366];
the revoked decrees of France are considered by some as more obnoxious than the British Orders in Council, [366];
who can be an apologist of France or England, when each has charged the other with the first aggressions on our commerce? [366];
while Great Britain finds some able advocates in this House, she will find no necessity to redress our wrongs, [366].
In viewing the course which has been adopted this session, it is surprising that the present measure should be called up for adoption, [367];
it is now evident that the President was duped by the French Emperor, and led to issue his proclamation, [367];
what has occurred to alter the face of affairs, to induce this new attempt to fasten on the restrictive system against our intercourse with Great Britain? [367];
the last communication from the President furnishes the most conclusive evidence of the treachery of Bonaparte, [367];
how has the President's proclamation been verified? [368];
the remonstrance of Mr. Russell remains unanswered, and the New Orleans packet remains under seizure to this day, [368];
after thirteen days a partial suspension of the decrees was ordered, [368];
a suspension not as to sequestration, but as to condemnation, [368];
with this statement before their eyes, will gentlemen assert that the decrees were revoked? [368];
are we bound by any faithful performance had on the part of France? [368];
have either France or Great Britain complied with the condition? [369];
must this sacrifice be made in order to bolster up the President's proclamation so prematurely issued? [369];
is this an honest neutrality to revive the restrictive system against Great Britain, while the French decrees are still in force? [369];
the present measure is intended as a propitiatory sacrifice to conciliate Napoleon, [369];
is it calculated to produce this effect? [369];
a view of the course which has been pursued can answer, [369];
the amendments contemplate the continuance and enforcement of the non-intercourse law, [370];
after long delay the Administration has condescended to develop their policy, [370];
the proposition contained in these amendments has relation to the most momentous and most elevated of our legislative obligations, [371];
the nature and effects of this commercial restrictive system are no longer matter of speculation, [371];
only a word on its nature necessary, [371];
the system contained in the law of May, [181]0, and March, [180]9, is injurious, is not fiscal in its nature, nor protective of manufactures, nor competent to coerce either belligerent, [371];
who was ever the friend of non-intercourse? [371];
it was agreed upon because the majority could agree upon nothing else, [372];
the system should therefore be abandoned, [372];
its advocates say we cannot abandon it, for our faith is plighted, [372];
is any such faith plighted? if so, whence did it arise? [372];
under the act of May, [181]0, [372];
what is its character and the obligations arising under it? [372];
the obligations arise under a certain section, [373];
divested of technical expression, it provides that a new commercial condition shall result on the occurrence of a certain fact, which fact the President shall declare, [373];
the terms our act proposed was the modification or revocation of certain edicts; the effect to be produced was that this revocation or modification should be such as that these edicts should "cease to violate our neutral commerce," [373];
has the act been done, and in such a manner as to amount to an honorable fulfilment or acceptance of our terms? [373];
the occurrence of the fact of revocation involves the propriety of the proclamation, [373];
has the fact occurred? [373];
this point examined with regard to France, [374];
letter of the Duc de Cadore examined, [374];
point of honor to be saved to France, [376];
how was Great Britain to accede to the terms? [376];
the declaration on the part of France further examined, [376];
the fact must be done and the effect produced, but the terms of that act must be excepted, [376];
the proffer we made was only to revive the non-intercourse law against the contumacious belligerent, after three months from the date of the proclamation, [376];
what the French mean, [376];
our efficient concurrence in Bonaparte's plan of policy, [376];
is it possible to point out any variation in the policy of France to this country before and since this letter? [377];
the true nature of this Cadore policy is to be discovered in the character of Bonaparte, [377];
it is impossible to reason with those who deny that the decrees now exist, [377];
the act now proposed is required by no obligation, [377];
the present is the most favorable moment for the abandonment of these restrictions, [377];
the edicts of the President are far more detestable to the merchants than those of France or George III., [377];
it is time to take our own rights into our own keeping, [378];
why not give the same credence to the letters of the Duke of Massa and the Duc de Gaete, as would be given to a letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer in Great Britain? [378];
about to shut up the only avenue to our commercial hope, it is said, [378];
this point examined, [378];
extracts of letters from Liverpool, [378];
one gentleman willing to surrender the carrying trade to Great Britain, [378];
three classes of your citizens to be provided for as contemplated in the provisions of this bill, [379];
first, sequestrations in France, Spain, Italy, &c.; second, those who have sailed to France under the faith of the Duke of Cadore's letter; third, importers of British manufactures, [379];
it is to be hoped the time is not far distant when we shall assert and defend our rights, [379];
are we prepared, after having been insulted, robbed and deceived by the French Emperor, to follow the example of petty servile states, and throw this people into the embraces of that monster? [379];
principal object of the amendment to renew the non-intercourse of 1809, so far as respects Great Britain, [379];
the amendment to suspend the whole restrictive system should be adopted, [379];
this amendment changes the position recommended by the Executive, but not much more than the bill with the amendment under consideration, [379];
this bill would have been scouted as the production of a madman previous to the reign of Bonaparte, [380];
we have conclusive evidence that the edicts are not so revoked that their operation ceased on that day, [380];
how are we to cause our rights to be respected? [380];
further debate respecting the operation of the decrees, [381];
examination of the non-intercourse system from the date of the law of March, [180]9, to inquire what its professed object is, [381];
it is thus demonstrated that if we suffer this system to go into operation, we are not only again to reduce our citizens to a state of bankruptcy in their private fortunes, but our Treasury is likewise to be more completely bankrupt, [382];
what has been the further effect of this law? [382];
history of its results, [383];
further remarks, [383];
correspondence examined, [384];
will the servile manner in which the rescinding the blockade is coupled as a condition with the withdrawing the Orders in Council, escape notice? [385];
what American can read this correspondence without laying his hand upon his heart and exclaiming O, my Government, my Government, now is the gold become dim, &c., [385];
after seeing how the law of May, [181]0, has been used with the French Government, until it had assumed the character of a threat, together with the various changes of position taken by our Government, it demonstrates a management which will not leave much doubt whether it be indispensable to suffer this law to go into effect as a measure of resistance against England, or good faith to France, [385];
the proclamation was issued when there was no official information of the repeal of the decrees, [385];
the faith of the nation is not pledged by the law of 1810, [386];
it may even be admitted that this law has all the binding force of treaties, [387];
before France can claim a fulfilment of any such promise, she should not only revoke her injurious acts, but it should be done fairly and honestly, and without at the same time adopting other measures equally injurious, [387];
is this that fair and honest repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees? is this that bona fide performance of the condition? [387];
it is an attempt to gull and deceive us by an artful, intriguing policy, [387];
this is the favorite moment to erase the restrictive system from your statute books, [387];
the consequences of its continuance examined, [387];
it becomes this Government, in all our concerns with the belligerents of Europe, to manifest to both a fair, impartial and equal conduct, [388];
has such a spirit characterized the proceedings of our Government? [388];
has a similar temper and disposition been shown to Great Britain as to France, in the interpretation of the Cadore letter? [388];
this part of the case will not well bear scrutiny, [389];
the bill on the table is calculated much more to put in jeopardy the neutral character of our Government, [389];
the principle of the act of May was just and equal, [389];
the most copious source of error is found in the extent of the Berlin and Milan decrees, [389];
had France proved faithful to her engagements, the United States would at this moment have had a prosperous commerce with Europe, [390];
why shall we at this moment make this marked distinction between France and England? [390];
the great question is, does the fact upon which the proclamation was alone to issue, and on which its legitimacy solely depends, exist, or does it not exist? [391];
the very doubt ought to decide the question, [391];
such is the case that we are enabled to prove a negative, [391];
the letter of the Duc de Cadore examined, [391];
the case further examined, [392];
the purity of the source whence our arguments come has been questioned, [393];
the order of May, [180]6, has scarcely a single feature of a regular blockade, [394];
notice of the arrangement with Mr. Erskine, [395];
if the Berlin and Milan decrees had been actually repealed, what would we have gained? [395];
there can be no importation of American productions into France, but on terms utterly inadmissible, [395];
it is vain to seek for the justification of this measure from any thing France has done, [396];
the disposition of Bonaparte towards us rests not alone on his acts of aggression, rapine and plunder, [396];
motion to postpone lost, [397];
it was contended that the Emperor of France had not fulfilled his engagement, [397];
amendment offered, [397];
lost, [397];
further debate, [397];
previous question moved, [397];
carried, [397];
adjournment moved, [397];
lost, [397];
bill passed, [398];
the bill, [398].
Intercourse Foreign.—Message from the President relative to the execution of the act of 1806, appropriating two million dollars for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending our foreign intercourse, [26].
Intercourse Non.—In Senate, bill to interdict commercial intercourse, &c., read the third time, [28];
the effect of the measure must be war with Great Britain, it is stated, [28];
what excuse is there for leaving the country in such a defenceless state? [28];
what are our preparations? [28];
what is the state of the treasury? [28];
what plans are offered for replenishing it? [29];
if we are to have war, with whom is it to be prosecuted? [29];
under these circumstances what is the course that policy would dictate to this country to pursue? [29];
consequences of non-intercourse under such circumstances, [30];
who has been the first aggressor? [30];
bill passed, [31].
In the House.—Resolution previously referred, [106];
nature of the bill reported, [106];
whole subject of embargo and non-intercourse should be incorporated in one bill, [106];
referred to committee on foreign relations, with instructions to bring in a bill, [107];
the whole to present a general system, [107].
Bill for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain considered, [107];
moved to strike out the first section in order to try the principle of the bill, [107];
impossibility of carrying the system into effect, [107];
rather than accept this system it would be better to remain under the embargo, [107];
the idea of the efficacy of this system examined, [107];
for the future the remedy is—to follow nature, [108];
she dictates the removal of all obstructions, [108];
the removal of the embargo would give an opportunity for negotiations, [108];
also show the effect of the orders and decrees, if these were not injurious no further steps would be necessary, [108];
legal opposition to the embargo laws in Massachusetts, [108];
when did the violation of our rights commence? [108];
so long ago no time could be fixed, [108];
the hot-bed politicians stirred up the people of New England, [108];
if we cannot get war, or a continuance of the embargo, non-intercourse should be carried into effect, [108];
England will treat before going to war, [109];
when the embargo shall cease, war will be the only honorable course, if reparation is not made, [109];
the embargo as a precautionary and coercive measure, [110];
when the injuries were committed resistance or submission was our only course, [110];
time to change our measures and place our future reliance in Providence and the energies and valor of the citizens, [110];
this bill is conducive to the interests of the country, [110];
it maintains our attitude and continues our solemn protest, [110];
it reserves the great question to be decided at the next Congress, [110];
objections to the bill considered, [111];
question on striking out first section lost, [111];
the embargo should be adhered to, until a majority of the people prefer war, [112];
there is no middle course, [112];
the great object of the United States in her foreign relations is to maintain honorable peace, [112];
reason for resorting to the embargo, [112];
objects for which it has been pursued, [112];
why should they now be abandoned? [112];
now is the most critical period for the effect of the embargo, [112];
views of Great Britain, [113];
what will be the inference drawn from adopting this measure? [113];
firmness peculiarly requisite at this time, [113];
motion to strike out lost, [114].
In the Senate.—Amendment to the act offered, purporting to extend it to all public armed vessels until modified by treaty, [118];
a necessity to consider the subject arises from the limitation of certain sections of the act, [119];
this extension should have been made at the last session, [119];
it is merely a municipal proposition, [119];
overtures of the British cabinet, [119];
motive of resisting the aggression of France, [119];
reasons why modifications should be made by treaty, [119];
Great Britain cannot complain, [119];
extract from Canning's speech, [120];
two conclusions deduced, [120];
the principle contended for not new, [120];
report on the amendment, [122].
In the House.—Resolution to suspend the non-intercourse act offered, [127];
bill from the Senate to revive and amend certain parts of the act relative to non-intercourse considered, [152];
what led to the exclusion of British vessels? the attack on the Chesapeake, [152];
shall the measure of hostility be continued after the cause has been done away, [152];
the interdiction of the act was founded on the violation of our rights by the belligerents, [153];
the hostility ceased when the act was passed, [153];
it was not the act, [153];
upon the passage of this bill may depend the destinies of this country, [153];
the question is what regulation shall be made respecting public ships, [154];
shall we exclude both—admit both, or discriminate? [154];
England has made reparation, [154];
the ground we have taken in respect to France and England reviewed, [154];
the system proposed is one of impartiality to the belligerent powers of Europe, [155];
why were French armed ships excluded? [155];
it was considered a measure favoring Great Britain, [155];
do away every possible justification that can be urged by France for not meeting our overtures for peace, [155];
if you wish to gain the advantage of union at home, take away every pretext for the violation of your rights, [155];
did not this bill place the two belligerents on equal footing? [156];
state of the continent, [156];
it is said, we should not discriminate, for France has no public armed vessels, [156];
it is not consistent with our honor and dignity to admit French ships within our waters, [157];
if we are at peace with Great Britain are they entitled to all the rights of hospitality one nation can show to another? [157];
this bill is a concession to Great Britain and is not a hostility to France, [157];
what injuries has France done? [157];
if you discriminate under the same circumstances you jeopardize the peace of the country, [157];
what has Britain done which would require a discrimination as to her public vessels? [158];
the bill should be passed in its present form, any material alteration will cause it to be lost, and thus will end all that has taken place between this country and Great Britain, [158];
purport of the amendment proposed, [158];
admission of English and exclusion of French ships, [159];
cause of the interdict of British vessels, [159];
there has been no satisfactory adjustment of our difficulties with Great Britain, [159];
proceedings adopted to obtain a direct question on the first amendment, [159];
a precedent furnished, [159];
moved to exclude both French and English vessels, [159];
lost, [159];
amendment moved that penalties and forfeitures incurred should be recoverable after the act had expired, [160].
A discrimination should be made, for one nation has complied with the conditions of the non-intercourse act, whilst the other has not changed her position, [160];
the armed vessels of either should not be admitted, [160];
should so act that neither of the belligerents could charge us with partiality, [160];
desirable that nothing should be done to embarrass negotiations, [160];
this bill has passed the Senate unanimously, [161];
this bill does not conform to any system of policy, [161];
it is said this bill is considered as comporting with the views of the Executive, [161];
nothing due for any boon Great Britain has given us, [162];
what is the declaration of the British minister? [162];
difficult to say what other system would be proper, [162];
bill passed, [163].
In the Senate.—Have been for years contending against the tyranny of the ocean, and pledged ourselves to the world not to surrender our rights, [177];
war preferable to ignominious peace, [177];
what are the means for carrying on war? [177];
it is said, no object is attainable by war with Great Britain, [177];
it will deprive her of those supplies of raw materials obtained from this country, [178];
it will reproduce and cherish a commercial spirit in us, [178];
this bill is a total dereliction of all opposition to the edicts of the belligerents, [178];
motion to recommit the bill lost, [178].
Question, shall the Senate adhere to their amendments? [179];
the interests of the country require that the subject shall be finally acted upon, [179];
committee of conference appointed, [179];
report and the question to adhere, [180];
review of the causes that led to the measures of this government, [180], [181];
it is better for Congress to rise and do nothing than to do that which will only injure ourselves, [182];
Senate vote to adhere, [182].
J
Jackson, F. J., his circular to British Consuls, [193].
Jackson, John G., Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187];
in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, [101];
on an extra session of Congress, [102];
on resolution relative to election of presidential electors in Massachusetts, [105];
moves to postpone the consideration of a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, [129];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [158].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Jackson, Richard S., Representative from Rhode Island, [37], [124], [187], [316], [424], [577];
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, [84].
Jails of States.—See Index, vol. 1.
Jefferson, Thomas, message as President at a 2d session of 10th Congress, [3];
franking privilege conferred on, [28];
calls extra session of the Senate, [33];
results of his administration, note, [114];
franking privilege granted to, [122].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Jenkins, Robert, Representative from Pennsylvania, [37], [124], [205],

[315].
See Index, vol. 3.
Jennings, Jonathan, Delegate from Indiana Territory, [187], [315], [425], [577];
on raising mounted rangers, [650].
Johnson, Richard M., Representative from Kentucky, [36], [125], [187], [315], [428], [577];
on foreign relations, [50];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [157];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, [352];
on foreign relations, [442];
against a naval establishment, [486];
on the limits of Louisiana as a State, [523];
offers a resolution to raise mounted volunteers, [580].
See Index, vol. 3.
Jones, Jacob, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, [598].
Jones, Walter, Representative from Virginia, [37], [125], [188], [319].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Judiciary System, bill to amend, read twice, [84], [87].
See Index, vol. 2.
Judges, Federal, removal of, in the House, constitution not perfect, and provision made for amendment, [351];
the amendment is to place the judiciary on the same foundation as the British judiciary, [351];
resolutions offered, [352];
House refused to consider, [352].
See Index, vol. 3.
K
Kelly, James, Representative from Pennsylvania, [37].
Kenan, Thomas, Representative from North Carolina, [37], [125], [188], [315].
See Index, vol. 2.
Kennedy, William, Representative from North Carolina, [125], [187], [316], [709].
See Index, vol. 2.
Kent, Joseph, Representative from Maryland, [424], [577];
on an additional military force, [679].
Kentucky.—Vote for President in 1808, [27];
in 1812, [573], [711].
Key, Philip B., Representative from Maryland, [37], [124], [191], [315], [426], [577];
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, [63];
on an inquiry relative to prosecutions under the sedition law, [139];
supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, [215];
on reduction of the navy, [227];
on the British intrigues, [518].
See Index, vols. 1, [3].
King, Rufus, number of votes for, as Vice President, [27];
letter to Lord Grenville, [362].
See Index, vol. 1.
King, William R., Representative from North Carolina, [425], [577];
on laying additional duties, [431];
on foreign relations, [459].
Kirkpatrick, William, Representative from New York, [36].
See Index, vol. 3.
Kitchel, Aaron, Senator from N.J., [3].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Knickerbocker, Herman, Representative from New York, [124], [192], [316].
L
Lacock, Abner, Representative from Pennsylvania, [425], [577];
on the naturalization laws, [543], [715].
Lambert, John, Senator from New Jersey, [33], [116], [166], [250], [400], [566].
See Index, vol. 3.
Land office, bill to establish, read second time in the Senate, [405].
Lands, Western, see Index, vols. 1, [3], Public lands.
Langdon, John, number of votes for, as Vice President, [27].
Law, Lyman, Representative from Connecticut, [424], [577];
in favor of a naval establishment, [492];
on an additional military force, [627].
Lefevre, Joseph, Representative from Pennsylvania, [424].
Leib, Michael, Senator from Pennsylvania, [21], [26], [116], [166], [250], [400], [566];
makes a report relative to foreign vessels, [122];
offers resolutions relative to demands on Great Britain, [179].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Lewis, Joseph, jr., Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187], [314], [424], [577];
presents the petition of the Directors of Washington Bridge Company, [74];
presents a bill to establish a turnpike company in the District of Columbia, [84].
See Index, vol. 3.
Library of Congress.—See Index, vol. 2.
Licenses, Foreign, bill relative to passed, [718].
Lighthouse Duties.—See Index, vol. 3.
Limitation, Statutes of, in the House, resolution requiring the Committee on Claims to inquire into the expediency of repealing or suspending the statutes of limitation, so far as they operate in bar of the payment of certain claims referred, [468];
report of committee, [468];
report considered, [475];
all this class of claims, being liquidated claims, can be allowed, so the Treasury Department states, without danger of fraud or imposition, [475];
the amount is $300,000, of which one-fifth may not be applied for, [475];
what is the statute of limitations? [475];
in such statutes there are always exceptions, [475];
what would be the course of an individual? [475];
report not to open the act disagreed to, [475];
resolution recommending provision for their payment agreed to, [475]
resolution from the committee considered and referred, [526].
See Index, vol. 2.
Little, Peter, Representative from Maryland, [424], [577];
on pay of the army, [584];
on privateer pensions, [704];
on war taxes, [715].
Livermore, Edward St. Loe, Representative from Massachusetts, [36], [124], [191], [351];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [127];
opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of representation, [224].
See Index, vol. 3.
Liverpool, Lord, his despatch to Sir George Prevost, [515].
Livingston, Edward, memorial relative to the Batture at Orleans, [118].
See Index, vols. 1, [2].
Livingston, Robert Le Roy, Representative from New York, [124], [187], [315], [424].
Lloyd James, jr., Senator from Massachusetts, [3], [33], [117], [166], [252], [403];
on the repeal of the embargo act, [8];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain, [28];
on the postponement of the bill for additional duties, [31];
on incorporating a bank of the United States, [270];
on an increase of the navy, [405].
Loan Bill.—In the House, the bill to authorize a loan not exceeding the principal of the public debt, considered, [227];
no objection to the principle of the bill, [227];
doubtful as to the amount required, [227];
borrowing money, should not be called paying the public debt, [227];
all authority to borrow money should be express and specific as to the sum, [227];
money wanted to defray the debts heretofore contracted, [227];
specific in fact, [227];
amendments proposed, [227];
bill ordered to be engrossed, [227];
further debate, [229];
bill passed, [229].
Louisiana Lead Company, bill to incorporate rejected, [530].
Louisiana Purchase.—See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Louisiana Territory, petition of inhabitants, [474].
See Territories.
Louisiana, State of.—In the House, the bill for the admission of Louisiana, &c., considered in Committee, [523];
amendment relative to the boundary offered, [523];
better that this addition of territory should be the subject of a separate law, [523];
there is no difficulty in either way, [523];
the bill for admission should state the boundary, [523];
motion passed, [523];
question relative to the inhabitants of Florida Territory, attached to this bill, [523];
passage of the bill for the admission of Louisiana, [526].
Louisiana, vote for President in 1812, [573], [711].
Love, John, Representative from Virginia, [36], [125], [187], [316];
makes a report on petition of citizens engaged in Miranda's expedition, [46];
favors the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, [95].
See Index, vol. 3.
Lowndes, William, Representative from South Carolina, [425], [577];
in favor of a naval establishment, [489].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Lyle, Aaron, Representative from Pennsylvania, [124], [187], [315], [424], [577].
Lyon, Matthew, Representative from Kentucky, [48], [125], [212];
supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, [95];
relative to prosecutions for libel, [134];
charge in the indictment against him for libel, [135];
facts in his case, [135];
on the torpedo experiment, [219], [221].
Claim of.—In the House, a memorial of Matthew Lyon for refunding his fine, under the Sedition Act, [426];
moved to refer to the Committee on Claims, [426];
if the petitioner has any claim, it is because the law is unconstitutional, of which this committee are not the proper judge, [426];
moved to refer to a select committee, [426];
the whole subject of these prosecutions was referred to a committee at a former session, which had been prevented from acting; if there is justice in any of this class of claims, it should be known, [427];
idle to attempt to do by statute, what the constitution has endeavored in vain to enforce, [427];
amendment proposed to the reference, [427];
proper measures had not been taken to prevent a recurrence of measures of this kind, [427];
amendment carried, [427].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
M
Maclay, Samuel, Senator from Pennsylvania, [3];
resigns his seat in Senate, [26].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Macon, Nathaniel, Representative from North Carolina, [36], [125], [187], [315], [425], [577];
offers resolution relative to the expediency of continuing the embargo, [41];
opposes the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American prisoners in Carthagena, [95];
on the immediate arming of the public vessels, [98];
on an extra session, [104];
on counting blank ballots, [125];
declines to be a candidate for the Speakership, [125];
on an inquiry relative to prosecutions under the Sedition Law, [138], [139];
on the Batture at New Orleans, [149];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [160];
on the remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, [164];
opposes postponement of the resolution relative to the apportionment of Representation, [224];
on the ratio of representation, [316];
on the admission of the Territory of Orleans, as a State, [321], [324];
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, [397];
on laying additional duties, [431];
on a Quartermaster's Department, [477];
on the British intrigues, [518];
on the State limits of Mississippi, [522];
on mode of relief of Caraccas, [532];
on pay of the army, [589];
on the imprisonment of American seamen, [595];
on an additional military force, [616];
on an additional military force, [674].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Madison, James, his letter as Secretary of State, on the object of the secret appropriation for foreign intercourse, [26];
elected President in 1808, [27];
number of votes for, as President, [27];
number of votes for, as Vice President, [27];
first inaugural of, [33];
letter to the Senate on the time of taking the oath of office, [33];
first message to Congress, [167];
message to first Session of Twelfth Congress, [401];
his Message at second Session of Twelfth Congress, [567];
elected President, [574].
See Index, vols. 1, [2].
Magruder, Patrick, chosen clerk of the House, [126];
elected clerk of the House, [425].
See Index, vol. 3.
Magruder, Allan B., Senator from Louisiana, [569].
Malbone, Francis, Senator from Rhode Island, [35], [116];
decease of, [121].
Maritime Defence, bill relative to, read twice in Senate, [413].
Marion, Robert, Representative from South Carolina, [37], [125], [187];
on the remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, [163], [164].
See Index, vol. 3.
Marshall, J., letter to Mr. King, [362].
See Index, vols. 2, [3].
Maryland, vote for President in 1808, [27];
in 1812, [573], [711].
Massachusetts, vote for President in 1808, [27];
in 1812, [573], [711];
resolutions relative to a war with Great Britain, [415].
Masters, Josiah, Representative from New York, [37].
See Index, vol. 3.
Mathers, James, appointed Sergeant-at-arms, by the Senate, [3];
chosen Sergeant-at-arms of the Senate, [116].
Matthews, Vincent, Representative from New York, [126], [188].
Mathewson, Elisha, Senator from Rhode Island, [3], [116], [166], [250].
See Index, vol. 3.
Maxwell, George C., Representative from New Jersey, [426].
McBride, Archibald, Representative from North Carolina, [125], [187], [315], [430], [577].
McCoy, William, Representative from Virginia, [424], [577].
McCreery, William, Representative from Maryland, [36];
presents petition of citizens confined in the jails at Carthagena, South America, [37].
See Index, vol. 3.
McKee, Samuel, Representative from Kentucky, [125], [187], [315], [425], [580];
on foreign relations, [456];
against a naval establishment, [484];
on the bill laying an embargo, [544];
on an increase of the Navy, [600].
McKim, Alexander, Representative from Maryland, [124], [188], [315], [424], [577];
presents petition of American prisoners in Carthagena, [141];
on Miranda's Expedition, [142];
on the Torpedo experiment, [220];
on reduction of the Navy, [227];
on disbanding the master commandants in the Navy, [242];
in favor of the admission of Mississippi, [352];
on privateer pensions, [704].
McKinley, William, Representative from Virginia, [316].
Medals and Prize Money, for the officers and crew of the Constitution, reported on, [593].
Mediterranean Trade.—See Index, vol. 2.
Meigs, Return Jonathan, jr., Senator from Ohio, [26], [116], [166];
resigns his seat in the Senate, [264].
Memorial, from citizens of New York relative to the embargo, &c., [413];
remarks, [414].
Meridian, a first, Report on the establishment of, [222].
Message of President Jefferson at second Session of the Tenth Congress, [3];
on expenses of foreign intercourse, [26];
of President Madison at first Session of Eleventh Congress, [117];
of President Madison at second session, Eleventh Congress, [167];
communicating circular of F. J. Jackson, [193];
with report of Secretary of State relative to Tombigbee and Alabama rivers, [213];
of President Madison at third Session of Eleventh Congress, [251];
confidential from the President to the Senate in secret session, [312];
relative to reparation for the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, [403];
relative to the battle of Tippecanoe, [403];
and documents relative to the hostile policy of Great Britain, [404];
on the Hudson River and Lake Ontario Canal, [404];
relative to British Intrigues to dismember the Union, [408];
relative to a temporary embargo, [410];
relative to the battle of Tippecanoe, [466];
with proceedings of a convention in Orleans Territory, [506];
do. with documents relative to British intrigues, [506];
relative to an embargo, [544];
on affairs with Great Britain, [551];
and documents relative to Florida, [562];
Annual to both Houses of Congress, [567];
communicating the capture of the Macedonian and Frolic, [570];
and documents relative to the capture of British vessels on Lake Erie, [571];
communicating captures and destruction of the Java, [574];
with documents relative to the capture of the frigate Macedonian, [597];
relative to conduct of British officers to persons taken in American armed ships, [608];
relative to impressed seamen, [705];
relative to the capture of the frigate Java, [716];
relative to the Orders in Council, [717].
Messages, Presidential.—See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Metcalf, Arunah, Representative from New York, [424], [577].
Milledge, John, Senator from Georgia, [21];
chosen President pro tem. of the Senate, [27].
See Index, vols. 1, [2], [3].
Miller, Pleasant M., Representative from Tennessee, [125], [187], [315];
on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, [323].
Military Force, additional.—See Army.
Military Academy.—See Index, vol. 2.
Militia, arming and classing of considered, [708].
See Index, vol. 3.
Milnor, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, [36], [124], [187], [315], [424], [577];
on an extra session of Congress, [102];
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, [107];
on the sale of all the gunboats, [229];
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, [367];
on the protection of American seamen, [429];
on the British intrigues, [519];
on increased pay of the Army, [583];
on the imprisonment of American seamen, [594], [595].
See Index, vol. 3.
Mining Company, bill for the incorporation of, in upper Louisiana, [405];