After an ineffectual attempt to procure an amendment to the bill by extending the embargo to ninety days, it passed by a vote of seventy to forty-one. It was then sent to the senate, which introduced the amendment proposed in the house, which was adopted by it, and after receiving the signature of the president, it became the law of the land on the fourth day of April.
Now war had become the settled policy of the nation; indeed the first initiatory step was taken. The Rubicon had been approached, and not to cross it would entail disgrace. Congress, therefore,set vigorously about preparing for war. The tardy procedure of government in bringing the subject to a crisis, it was thought would operate prejudicially in its prosecution, by allowing the eagerness and zeal then so prevalent for the conflict to subside. A result of the correspondence then going on between America and England, and which was continued after the embargo had taken effect, was, to render undecided a large and patriotic portion of the people, who were earnest in demanding redress, but as long as there was the slightest prospect of obtaining it by negotiation, chose to delay rather than meet the expenses and horrors of war. Hopes were entertained, from time to time, by the tone of the British minister’s communications, that all differences between the two nations would be pacifically arranged. But it soon appeared obvious, that nothing satisfactory would be proposed by him, that Great Britain had an ulterior object in view, in causing such expectations to be created, and that it would be better to abandon at once, and forever, all reliance upon this mode of procedure, resorted to from motives of the most amicable nature, on the part of the United States, and pursued so long and faithfully, yet ineffectully. Hope finally fled, though reluctantly and with a heavy heart, casting many ‘a lingering look behind,’ and ‘grim visaged war’ assumed her place. The most amicably disposed threw down the olive branch, and seized the sword. Remonstrance, entreaty, argument, and forbearance had been exhausted, and the nation, conscious of the righteousness of her cause, arose, buckled on her armor, and appealed to the God of battles for the maintenance of her rights.
Mr. Clay was one of a deputation appointed to wait upon Mr. Madison, to urge upon him the pressing necessity of making speedy and efficient preparation for the event which would inevitably occur. The views of congress, and of the country generally, relative to the subject of war, he spread before the president, argued that it was impolitic to waste any more time in fruitless negotiation, and expressed his sincere conviction, that, with their present resources, and those of which they could avail themselves, judiciously employed, as they would be by patriotic and indignant freemen, no alarming apprehensions need be entertained respecting the nature of the result. The muscular and mental energies of a free and united yeomanry of an independent and enlightened nation, arrayed in defence of home and every thing that made it happy, he believed constituted a force invincible—one that could not be crushed by the hireling soldiery of the combined powers of Europe.
The president, though inclined to advance with extreme caution, whose trepidation was increased by several members of his cabinet opposed to warlike movements, was nerved with fresh courage and fired with fresh patriotism, by the energetic remarks of Mr. Clay,and induced to hasten the blow from the axe of executive power, which alone could burst the bands which bound and restrained the thunderbolt of war.
About this time, while in the exercise of his official prerogative, Mr. Clay became entangled in a disagreeable controversy with Mr. Randolph. This gentleman, though possessing talents and eloquence of a high order, employed them in such a manner as to make himself distinguished for the most extravagant eccentricities and wild vagaries. There had existed not the most cordial understanding between him and Mr. Clay, during several months previous. Their intercourse was not very uniform; sometimes it would be suspended for weeks, when not a word would be spoken by either to the other. The great difficulty of living on terms of intimacy or common civility even, with Mr. Randolph, caused Mr. Clay to adopt this course. He did not desire to offend the capricious gentleman, nor to place himself in a situation to receive offence from him. Occasionally, when the milk of human kindness was superabundant in his heart, Mr. Randolph would approach, and in the most honied accents and blandest manner, salute Mr. Clay and inquire after his health, with every demonstration of regard.
One of Mr. Randolph’s peculiarities was exceeding uneasiness under restriction; indeed, he seldom quietly submitted to any parliamentary restraint, however necessary and salutary. He regarded the rules of the house as trammels and shackles, more honored by the breach than observance, and struggled violently against their enforcement in his case. During the day previous to that when the controversy mentioned occurred, Mr. Clay, in conversing with a friend of Mr. Randolph, remarked that the president would probably transmit a message to congress, recommending a declaration of war, on the following Monday. This information was communicated to Mr. Randolph, who the next morning appeared in his seat, and commenced one of his usual windy harangues, without submitting any motion to the house. After discussing some time the subject of our foreign relations, although he well knew that such discussion was designed to be strictly private, manifesting more than his accustomed hostility to declaring war with Great Britain, and zeal in justifying her cruelties towards the United States, he was called to order, on the ground that there was no resolution before the house. Mr. Bibb, being in the chair, suffered him to proceed. Soon after, Mr. Clay resumed his seat, when he was again called to order, and required to submit his motion in writing to the chair. Mr. Clay observed that a standing rule of the house rendered it incumbent on any member who attempted to address it, after a few pertinent prefatory remarks, to submit his proposition in due form to the house, and then confine his remarks to it. ‘My proposition,’ said Mr. Randolph, ‘is that it is not expedientat this time, to resort to a war with Great Britain.’ He expressed great surprise when it was decided by the speaker that he could not proceed to discuss his proposition unless it was seconded and reduced to writing. ‘Then I appeal from that decision.’ The speaker briefly stated his reasons for his decision, which was sustained by a vote of sixty-seven to forty-two. ‘Then, sir, under the compulsion to submit my motion in writing, I offer it,’ said Mr. Randolph. The speaker replied, ‘there is no compulsion in the case, because the gentleman may or may not offer it, at his option.’ The motion was read from the chair, and the speaker observed that the house must first agree to consider it, before it could be in order to debate it. From this decision Mr. Randolph appealed, but at the suggestion of a friend, withdrew his appeal. Mr. Clay made a brief speech, justifying his decision, and then put the question whether the house would consider Mr. Randolph’s resolution. It was rejected by a vote of seventy-two to thirty-seven.
Mr. Randolph, thus compelled to take his seat, was greatly chagrined. On the following day he published a vindictive address to his constituents, in which he inveighed in the most bitter terms against Mr. Madison’s administration, declaring that the movements that had been made in reference to war, were not made with the intention of promoting the welfare of the country, and desired those whom he represented not to sanction the proposed declaration. Freedom of speech he declared had been invaded; that for the first time in the person of their representative had it been decided, that silence must be maintained upon the most important subject that could be brought forward for legislative action. He characterized this as ‘usurpation, more flagitious than any which had ever been practiced under the reign of terror by the father of the sedition laws, and the people must interfere and apply a remedy or bid adieu to a free government forever.’
Mr. Clay noticed this singular paper in a communication over his own name, which was published in the National Intelligencer reviewing briefly the controversy, stating the grounds of his action in relation to it, and established the two following principles: ‘that the house had a right to know through its organ, the specific motion which a member intends making before he undertakes to argue it at large, and that it reserves to itself the exercise of the power of determining whether it will consider it at the particular time when offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it.’ These principles have subsequently formed the rule in the house in similar cases, the operation of which has tended, in no small degree, to promote the interests of the country, by restraining within proper bounds the freedom of debate.
On the first of June, the president despatched to the house a message, containing a summary statement of our grievances demanding reparation, narrating the various pacific and often repeatedattempts of the United States to adjust all existing difficulties with Great Britain, remarking the cold indifference or haughty repulse with which the latter had invariably met the amicable advances of the former, and recommending to the early consideration of congress the question whether the United States should ‘continue passive under these progressive usurpations and these accumulating wrongs, or opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, should commit a just cause into the hands of the almighty disposer of events.’ An ‘immediate appeal to arms’ was recommended in a report of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, on the eighteenth, and the act declaring war passed both houses of congress the same day, and on the nineteenth Mr. Madison issued his proclamation, declaring hostilities as actually commenced. On the sixth of July congress adjourned, to assemble on the first Monday in November.
The crisis towards which so many eyes had long been directed, had at last come—a crisis which, though sought by government, was sought reluctantly. Any measure that would have obviated its necessity, had been embraced with eager joy. Every expedient was resorted to, in order to prevent the waste of treasures and effusion of blood, with which it would be attended. The great master spirits, Messrs. Clay, Lowndes, Cheves and Calhoun, the bold pioneers in paving the way to and hastening on this crisis, did not attempt to shrink from their duty, nor to shake off the solemn responsibility which they assumed to their country in undertaking to conduct the ark of her liberties, now when they had guided it into the roaring vortex of war. They did not prove recreant to the precious trusts committed to their care, by traitorously deserting their posts. Though the billows of fierce conflict dashed against its sides, they did not withdraw the hand that had hitherto supported it. There was no looking back, no cowardly avoiding of danger, but shoulder to shoulder manfully they breasted the dark surges of belligerent strife, until in safety the harbor of success was finally attained.