Mr. Foote made some remarks in vindication of his observations in relation to the recent intercourse between Mr. Benton and Mr. Clay; in the course of which he suggested to Mr. Clay that there was sometimes something in his demeanor, when excited in debate, which had the appearance of menace. He also alluded to a speech made by that senator eleven years ago, in which he said that certain acts, if persisted in, would dissolve the Union, and dissolve it in blood. Mr. F. went on at length with some personal remarks upon Mr. Clay, Mr. Seward and Mr. Benton.
Mr. Clay said a few words in reply to Mr. Foote’s remarks about the intercourse between him and Mr. Benton, and in the course of a few observations, suggested to him the impropriety of attempting to draw deductions from such private intercourse. He reminded Mr. Foote that he himself that morning had come over to him, and held a long conversation with him, in relation to the difficulties which concerned the affairs of the country,—and asked him whether it would not have been unfair for some northern man to have imputed to the senator dishonorable motives in seeking that interview. It is an evil—a political and social evil—it is a wrong toward those who are the sufferers thereby—those were his opinions, but he quarrelled with no man who thought otherwise. In conclusion, he denied all ambitious projects: he stood, as it were, upon the brink of eternity, expecting soon to go hence, and owed no responsibility which he was not prepared to meet here and before God. If the senator from Mississippi chose to call him an Abolitionist—well and good; he would only say, that if there was any one man in the community more abused by the Abolitionists than another, it was he.
Mr. Cass (interrupting) said, that if Mr. Clay claimed to be the best abused man in the community, he must take exception. (Laughter.)
Mr. Clay further defended his resolutions. He had honestly, in the sight of God, endeavored to bring forward a scheme of compromise for the purpose of keeping the Union together in one family, with harmony and concord. In supporting that scheme he had not forgotten to rebuke the fanatics of the north for their course, as well as to call upon the south not to persist in what would not bear the scrutiny of reason and judgment. It was enough for him that his plan of settlement was rejected by the ultraists of both sections.
ON THE COMPROMISE MEASURES,
REPORTED BY THE COMMITTEE OF THIRTEEN.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY 13, 1850.
[ON the 8th of May, Mr. Clay, as chairman of the committee of thirteen, to whom the proposed ‘compromise measures’ had been referred, presented a long report, embodying the views and recommendations of a majority of the committee, and suggesting that, ‘if such of these several measures as require legislation should be carried out by suitable acts of congress, all controversies to which our late territorial acquisitions have given rise, and all existing questions connected with the institution of slavery, whether resulting from those acquisitions or from its existence in the states and the District of Columbia, will be amicably settled and adjusted, in a manner, it is confidently believed, to give general satisfaction to an overwhelming majority of the people of the United States.’ The report was ably discussed for several weeks, Mr. Clay and his friends frequently enlisting all their energies in its support. The following embraces his reply to several objections which had been raised by opposing senators.]
MR. CLAY rose and said: I have risen, Mr. President, for the purpose of making some further explanation, and an additional exposition to that contained in the report of the Committee of Thirteen, which has recently been in consultation upon the important subjects referred to them. When the report of the committee was presented to the senate last week, various members of the committee rose in their places, and stated that certain parts of the report did not meet with their concurrence. It might have been stated with perfect truth that no one member of the committee concurred in all that was done by the committee. There was a majority upon most, and even upon all the subjects reported by them; and each member, perhaps, if left to himself separately, would have presented the various matters which were reported to the senate in a form somewhat different from that in which they were presented in the report. I was myself, upon one occasion, in the minority in the committee; yet I have not been discouraged in the least degree by the differences which existed in the committee, or which were manifested in the senate last week. Gentlemen who did not exactly agree to what was done, will, in the progress of the measure, endeavor to make it conformable to their wishes. If it should not be so modified, I indulge with great confidence in the hope that no one of them is so irrevocably committed against the measures as to induce him, upon the question of its finalpassage, to vote against it. I am not authorized to say, and do not mean to say, that there will be an affirmative vote of every member of the senate in favor of the measure upon the final passage of the bill; but I need not say that I indulge the hope, whether all modifications which were desired by various members of the committee may or may not be made, that finally there will be not only a unanimous concurrence of the committee generally in the measure recommended, but I trust it will leave this branch of congress with a large majority in its favor. I repeat that I am not discouraged by any thing that has transpired in the committee, or in the senate, or in the country, upon the subject of this measure. I have believed from the first, and I yet firmly believe, that if these unhappy subjects which have divided the country shall be accommodated by an amicable adjustment, it must be done upon some such basis as that which the committee has reported. And can there be a doubt on this subject? The crisis of the crisis, I repeat, has arrived, and the fate of the measures which have been reported by the committee, in my humble judgment, determines the fate of the harmony or distraction of this country. Entertaining that belief, I cannot but indulge the hope, that no honorable senators, who, upon the first hearing of the report, might have seen some matters in it objectionable, according to their wishes or judgment, will see fit to oppose its final passage; but that the entire senate, after a full consideration of the plan proposed, and after a fair contrast between this and all other proposed plans—at least all other practicable plans of adjustment of the question—whatever expectations or hopes may have been announced elsewhere, out of this body, will concur in this measure brought forward by the Committee of Thirteen, and that ultimately the measure will obtain the general concurrence of both houses of congress.