Mr. President, I trust that the feelings of attachment to the Union, of love for its past glory, of anticipation of its future benefits and happiness; a fraternal feeling which, I trust, will be common throughout all parts of the country; the desire to live together in peace and harmony, to prosper as we have prospered heretofore, to hold up to the civilized world the example of one great and glorious republic, fulfilling the high destiny that belongs to it, demonstrating beyond all doubt man’s capacity for self-government; these motives and these considerations will, I trust, animate us all, bringing us together to dismiss alike questions of abstraction and form, and consummating the act in such a manner as to heal not one only, but all the wounds of the country.
CORRESPONDENCE.
[SINCE the decease of the distinguished subject of these memoirs, several of his letters (some of which were never intended for the public eye) have found their way into the newspapers. As a laudable curiosity exists to know the general style of his correspondence, a few letters are subjoined, which will afford a pretty correct idea of the easy and familiar manner of his intercourse with personal friends. The unreserved manner in which he expresses his opinions upon topics which were commanding attention at the time, may be regarded as peculiarly one of his prominent characteristics, and one, too, which few individuals in political life seem anxious to emulate.—The first three letters were addressed to Robert Walsh, Jr., Esq., formerly editor of the National Gazette, but of late years the Paris correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce, in which paper they originally appeared.]
“WASHINGTON, 6th September, 1817.
“MY DEAR SIR: Having seen the second volume of the Register at Mr. D. Brent’s, I was about to inquire at the book-stores for it, when a copy was left at my house, I did not know how, until I received your obliging favor of the 29th ulto. Although it found me engaged in an interesting course of reading, I did not hesitate to interrupt the progress of my studies, to peruse your introductory discourse.
“I was much gratified in perceiving that you had undertaken the vindication of the captors of Andre, from the most indiscreet and unfounded attack of Col. Talmage. Rarely, if ever, whilst presiding in the H. of R., was I so much shocked as when he made it. It was so unnecessary, so unjust, and, I thought, was so much the result of a wish, on the part of the accuser, to announce his participation in the concern of which he spoke. I really felt so transported with indignation, on the occasion, that I found myself, at one time, involuntarily rising from the Speaker’s chair, in defence of those injured men. I then wished that congress would guard against the unfavorable inference, which the future historian might possibly draw, from a rejection of their petition, by allowing them the solicited augmentation of their pensions; and I still regret it was not done.
“I do not agree with all that you have said respecting the famous Compensation Act. The form was always objectionable with me, and I still think the per diem mode preferable. In England, formerly, the members of the H. of Commons received wages, (that was the technical term applied to the allowance to the members,) which were paid by the boroughs, &c., that elected them. When the countryhad increased in wealth, and Parliament had obtained greater political importance, opulent men offered to serve, without pay, and then the receipt of wages was gradually discontinued and finally abolished. In that country, of small territorial extent, where the aristocratic feature of the government and the consequent entails which exist on estates, will always keep up large fortunes, there never can be any considerable inconvenience in attending Parliament. But, you know, to attend that body is in fact, with the mass of the members, to be present only three or four times every session, when the great questions come up. Generally throughout the session there are not more than from fifty to one hundred members in attendance. But even in England, formerly so great, occasionally, was the reluctance to submit to the inconvenience of attending Parliament, that instances have occurred of compulsory attendance.
“Every thing is otherwise here. We have happily no aristocracy, and no device for keeping estates in the possession of the same family for any length of time. The powerful operation of our statutes of distribution scatters the accumulated wealth of industry or of avarice. Fortunes are small, in the general, and will always continue so, whilst our present institutions exist. Our territory is of immense extent. The consequence is that he who happens to be a member of congress from a great distance, has to make vast and often ruinous sacrifices. Our government is yet in its infancy, and the novelty of the situation, the great excitement of the times, and other causes may have prevented us heretofore from experiencing much difficulty in getting competent members to serve. Young, however, as we are, and short as has been my service in the public councils, I have seen some of the most valuable members quitting the body, from their inability to sustain the weight of those sacrifices. And in process of time I apprehend this mischief will be more and more felt. Even now there are few, if any instances, of members dedicating their lives to the duties of legislation. Members stay a year or two, curiosity is satisfied, the novelty wears off; expensive habits are brought or are acquired; their affairs at home are neglected; their fortunes are wasting away, and they are compelled to retire. There are no sacrifices too great for one to make, when necessary, for his country.
“You say that the competition would be too much if the compensation were high. Every demagogue would aspire to the honor. Our form of government, however, supposes a competence on the part of the electors to discriminate and to choose. And depend upon it that, in the general, in any such common scrambling as you suppose, talents and virtue will prevail. To suppose that they would not, is to arraign our system. But if there be danger arising from too much competition, the result of high pay, is there not on the other hand, equal or greater danger from insufficient competition, the result of inadequate pay? I confess that I would much rather see every man in the congressional district, aspiring to the honor ofrepresenting it, than to see such an arrangement of the pay, that only one or two persons could face the expense and sacrifice incident to a seat.