During the summer of 1839, in his return from a northeastern tour, he visited the city of New York, where his reception was as gratifying to his feelings as it was spontaneous and brilliant on the part of those who gave it. The whole city joined in it, and it may well be questioned, whether any individual ever entered the city, attended by such enthusiastic tokens of popular favor. He approached it in the steamer James Madison, at the foot of Hammond street, Greenwich, early in the afternoon. As he stepped on the wharf, the air was rent by the welcoming acclamations of an immense multitude assembled there, which were taken up and continued by similar collections of people lining his whole route (a distance of three miles) to the Astor House, where lodgingshad been prepared for him. He sat in an open barouche, preceded by a band of music, and followed by an immense concourse of citizens in carriages. The streets through which he passed were crowded with one dense mass of people, and the houses were covered with them. At all the principal places in his route, bands of music were stationed, that, as he approached, sent forth their spirit-stirring peals, which, with the vociferous shouts of thousands on thousands, and waving of handkerchiefs, flags, and banners, rendered his march like that of an oriental pageant. When he reached the Park, the shouting was almost deafening, which went up like the roar of the sea. The most interesting feature of this grand reception, was its spontaneousness. It was not ‘got up,’ but it was the unprovided for, the unsolicited, and voluntary act of the people, tendering to their best, their most devoted friend, their sincere and heart-felt greetings and gratulations. Mr. Clay had greatly endeared himself to all capable of appreciating lofty and disinterested action, who, as Mr. Van Buren’s presidential term drew to a close, began to be mentioned continually as the most suitable whig candidate for president. On the fourth of December, 1839, the democratic whig convention met at Harrisburgh to nominate one. Not a doubt was entertained that Mr. Clay was the man of their choice, when they assembled, and that his selection would have been the result of their assembling, had not the most dishonorable means been employed to defeat it.
On the fifth of December, the convention was organized, Hon. James Barbour being appointed president. The committee appointed to report a candidate, after a session of two days, during which the intriguers were busy in circulating their falsehoods, and reading letters pretended to have been received from distinguished individuals in different parts of the country, and which were filled with false assertions of Mr. Clay’s unpopularity, finally decided upon William Henry Harrison. Their decision was received by those of Mr. Clay’s friends who stood by him to the last, without a murmur, although with melancholy looks, and silent disappointment. Mr. Banks, one of the delegation from Kentucky, was the first to rise and express their cordial concurrence In the nomination made. Mr. Preston expressed himself similarly, and desired that a letter from Mr. Clay, which had been in the possession of a delegate several days, should be read to the convention, and which had not been previously shown, lest the motives for its exhibition should have been misconstrued. It was read by colonel Coombs, of Kentucky. In this, Mr. Clay says, ‘with a just and proper sense of the high honor of being called to the office of president of the United States, by a great, free, and enlightened people, and profoundly grateful to those of my fellow citizens who are desirous to see me placed in that exalted and responsible station, I must nevertheless say, in entire truth and sincerity, that, if the deliberationsof the convention shall lead them to the choice of another, as the candidate of the opposition, far from feeling any discontent, the nomination will have my best wishes, and receive my cordial support.’ He then exhorted the delegation from Kentucky to think not of him, but of their bleeding, prostrate country, and to coöperate with the convention in selecting such an individual as should seem most competent to deliver her from the perils and dangers with which she was environed.
The reading of this remarkable communication, sent a thrill of astonishment and admiration through the hearts of all who listened to it. Many were affected to tears. Mr. Barbour said, after assenting to the determination of the convention, that he had been on terms of intimacy with Mr. Clay for thirty years, and that a more devoted or purer patriot and statesman never breathed, and that during that period he had never heard him give utterance to a single sentiment unworthy this character; that there was no place in his heart for one petty or selfish consideration. Mr. Leigh, of Virginia, said, he never thought that Mr. Clay needed the office, but that the country needed him. That office could confer no dignity or honor on Henry Clay. The measure of his fame was full, and whenever the tomb should close over him, it would cover the loftiest intellect and the noblest heart that this age had produced or known. ‘I envy Kentucky, for when he dies she will have his ashes!’ said the venerable Peter R. Livingston, of New York.
In selecting a candidate for the vice presidency, it was thought that a suitable one was found in John Tyler, of Virginia, who was accordingly chosen.
Mr. Clay concurred, cheerfully and nobly, in the nomination of general Harrison, and exerted himself manfully in promoting his election. Mr. Clay did not evince the slightest disappointment at the result of the nominating convention, but seemed to rejoice over it. In the presidential canvass, preceding the election of general Harrison, Mr. Clay took a prominent part. In advocating the claims of general Harrison to the presidency, he labored sedulously, also, to procure the adoption of those principles which he considered ought to constitute the rule of action to all virtuous politicians. Averse to every thing like concealment himself, respecting his political sentiments, he ascertained, accurately, those of general Harrison, and then faithfully exhibited them. The contest resulted in the election of general Harrison, who received two hundred and thirty-four of the two hundred and ninety-four electoral votes cast. By the same vote Mr. Tyler was elected to the vice presidency.
Mr. Clay continued, with unrelaxing energy, his services during the session of 1839–40. The land bill came up again, and a warm debate ensued between him and Mr. Calhoun, and somewhat harsh language passed between them. The latter insinuated, that, at a certain time, he had the ascendency over Mr. Clay indebate—that he was his (Mr. Clay’s) master. In reply, Mr. Clay said, that so far from admitting Mr. Calhoun to be his master, he would not own him for a slave. Mr. Clay, however, was not the man to harbor hard feelings towards any one, especially towards a political opponent. Soon after retiring from the senate in 1842, he met Mr. Calhoun as he was passing out of the senate chamber, and exchanged with him cordial salutations, while tears came to the eyes of both.
On a variety of questions of public interest, Mr. Clay spoke, the principal of which were, that of the abolition of slavery, the Maine boundary line, the navy appropriation bill, branch mints, expenditures of government, Cumberland road, and internal improvements. On the twentieth of January, 1840, he delivered a speech of rare ability on the sub-treasury, now called the independent treasury bill, which he denominated a government bank in disguise.
On all suitable occasions Mr. Clay frankly avowed his political faith, but never, perhaps, more minutely or explicitly, than at a dinner given to him at Taylorsville, in June, 1840. His speech at that time is a storehouse of sound political tenets, among which we find the following.
First. That there should be a provision to render a person ineligible to the office of president of the United States, after a service of one term.
Second. That the veto power should be more precisely defined, and be subjected to further limitations and qualifications.