These imports consist mostly of articles on which industry has been exhausted.
Our navigation, depending on the same commerce, will appear by the following statement of the tonnage of our own vessels, entering in our ports, from those several nations and their possessions, in one year; that is to say, from October, 1789, to September, 1790, inclusive, as follows
| Spain | 19,695 | tons |
| Portugal | 23,576 | “ |
| France | 116,410 | “ |
| Great Britain | 43,580 | “ |
| United Netherlands | 58,858 | “ |
| Denmark | 14,655 | “ |
| Sweden | 750 | “ |
The report then goes on to describe the degree of favor with which each of the several articles of export is received in each of the nations mentioned, and the nature and extent of the restrictions which had been adopted by each government in reference to American commerce. It then proceeds to the investigation of the question, how may these restrictions be removed, modified, or counteracted? Two methods are suggested; first, by friendly arrangements with the several nations with whom these restrictions exist; or, secondly, by the separate act of our own legislatures for countervailing their effects. The views taken in this report have so important a bearing on many political subjects that have of late years agitated the country, and indicate so clearly the opinions of Mr. Jefferson in regard to the constitutional powers of Congress, in regulating commerce, that it seems not improper to present in this connection the following extracts:
‘Instead of embarrassing commerce under piles of regulating laws, duties, and prohibitions, could it be relieved from all its shackles in all parts of the world; could every country be employed in producing that which nature has best fitted it to produce, and each be free to exchange with others mutual surplusses for mutual wants, the greatest mass possible would then be produced of those things which contribute to human life and human happiness; the numbers of mankind would be increased, and their condition bettered.
‘Would even a single nation begin with the United States this system of free commerce, it would be advisable to begin it with that nation; since it is one by one only, that it can be extended to all. Where the circumstances of either party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost, on commerce, its freedom might be modified, in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, preserving it entire in all others.
‘Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce in all its extent, might still be willing to mollify its restrictions and regulations for us, in proportion to the advantages which an intercourse with us might offer. Particularly they may concur with us in reciprocating the duties to be levied on each side, or in compensating any excess of duty by equivalent advantages of another nature. Our commerce is certainly of a character to entitle it to favor in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convenient subjects of revenue; and we take in exchange, either manufactures, when they have received the last finish of art and industry, or mere luxuries. Such customers may reasonably expect welcome and friendly treatment at every market. Customers, too, whose demands, increasing with their wealth and population, must very shortly give full employment to the whole industry of any nation whatever, in any line of supply they may get into the habit of calling for from it.
‘But should any nation, contrary to our wishes, suppose it may better find its advantage by continuing its system of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it behoves us to protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, by counter prohibitions, duties, and regulations, also. Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in exchange for restrictions and vexations, nor are they likely to produce a relaxation of them.
‘Our navigation involves still higher considerations. As a branch of industry, it is valuable, but as a resource of defence, essential.
‘Its value, as a branch of industry, is enhanced by the dependence ofso many other branches on it. In times of general peace, it multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers, shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exported in belligerent vessels, at the increased expense of war-freight and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands.’