VIRGINIA AND NORTH CAROLINA. At the city of Richmond is the James River canal, around a fall, with twelve locks, overcoming an ascent of eighty feet, and connecting tide water with a basin on Shockoe hill. From this basin proceeds a canal two and a half miles long, uniting with the river. Three miles further up is a short canal, with three locks, overcoming a fall of thirty-four feet. The James and Jackson River canal extends from the basin at Richmond, to a fall in Goveland county, a distance of thirty and a half miles. There is also a canal seven miles long, around the falls on James river, in Rockland county. Canals have also been constructed to improve the navigation of the Shenandoah. The Dismal Swamp canal is twenty-two and a half miles long, lying partly in Virginia, and partly in North Carolina. It connects the waters of Chesapeak bay with Albemarle sound, extending from Deep creek to Joyce’s creek, at the head of Pasquotank river. The expense of this canal was three hundred and sixty thousand dollars, of which two hundred thousand were subscribed by the United States. The Danville and Dan River canals are a series of improvements upon the upper branches of Roanoak river. The North West, Weldon, Clubfoot and Harlow, Cape Fear, Yadkin, Tar River, New River, and Catawba canals, have done much to improve the inland navigation of North Carolina. The Santee, Columbia, and Saluda canals, from Columbia, through the Columbia canal into Broad river, and through the Saluda canal, from Broad into Saluda river, through Drehr and Zorick’s canals, on to the Abbeville county line, near Cambridge; also from Santee river, by the Santee canal, into Cooper’s river, and down this river to the port at Charleston, present a mixed navigation of one hundred and fiftymiles. Winyaw canal is ten miles in length, uniting the Santee river with Winyaw bay.
KENTUCKY. The Louisville and Portland canal passes from the Ohio at Louisville, to a point of the same below the rapids, a distance of three miles. It is constructed for the accommodation of large vessels, and the general government have contributed towards its completion.
GEORGIA AND LOUISIANA. The Savannah and Ogatchee canal is sixteen miles in length, passing from Savannah river, at Savannah, to the Ogatchee river; hence it is to be continued to the Alatahama. The Carondelet canal is a short cut to admit small vessels into a basin in the rear of New Orleans, extending from bayou St. John. It is only a mile and a half long, and is without locks. The Lafourche is a small canal, supplied with water only when the Mississippi is in flood, uniting the outlet of Lafourche with the chain of lakes and creeks which lead into the lower Teche, and opens the commerce of Attacapas to New Orleans. The Plaquemine canal passes from the Mississippi into bayou Plaquemine, at its efflux from the Mississippi, and is navigable only at times of high flood. The New Orleans and Teche River canal is a projected navigation of one hundred miles, from a point on the Mississippi, to the waters which unite with the Teche river, at Berwick’s bay.
‘The spirit of enterprise,’ says Mr. Smith, ‘has been displayed on a scale commensurate with the extensive territory of the United States. With the exception of Great Britain and Holland, no country on the face of the globe contains so many or as extensive canals as this republic; and the whole of combined Europe has not effected as much during the last sixteen years, as the three states of Pennsylvania, New York and Ohio only. There are many other important canals not here enumerated, in the different sections of the country, and others are in contemplation. The whole number of miles of canals in the Union, exceeds three thousand; nearly three fifths of which are in the three States above mentioned.’
CHAPTER VIII.—GOVERNMENT.
THE political association of the American people commenced at a very early period. A long time before the revolutionary troubles, it was generally perceived and acknowledged that the true safety and prosperity of the colonies were to be found only in their union. In the year 1643, the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, entered into a perpetual league, offensive and defensive, for mutual protection against the claims of their Dutch neighbors, and to resist apprehended aggression from the Indians. By their articles of confederation, the jurisdiction of each colony within its own borders was to be exclusive; in every war, each of the confederates was to furnish its quota of men and provisions, according to its population; and an annual congress of two commissioners from each colony was to be held, with power to decide on all matters of general interest. With some alterations, this confederacy existed more than forty years; and it was dissolved only in 1686, when the charters of the New England colonies were vacated by a commission from king James II.
In the year 1754, a congress of a very interesting character assembled at Albany. It was called at the instance of the lords commissioners for trade and the plantations, and consisted of delegates from the New England provinces, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The object of the meeting was to consider the best means of defending the colonies, in the case of a war with France. The lords commissioners had reference merely to forming friendly connections with the Indian tribes; but the colonies indulged more extensive views. This convention proposed a plan of union, for which, however, public sentiment was not yet ripe, and it met with the singular fortune of being rejected both by the crown and the people. Local jealousies and disputes in regard to boundaries, had at that time so excited the different colonies, that governor Pownal felt himself authorized to say, in his work on the Administration of the Colonies, that they had no one principle of association among them, and that their manner of settlement, diversity of charters, conflicting interests, and mutual rivalship and jealousies, would render an union impracticable. Happy for our people that the stone which they rejected has become the corner stone of our political temple; for the whole edifice must be crushed and crumbled, when profane hands shall be laid upon that which is its strength and foundation!
Men could not, however, remain insensible of the great advantages that must inevitably result from a federate union. A common interest was destined to be made more apparent and pressing by a common danger and soon after the first unfriendly measures of the British government, a congress of delegates from nine colonies was assembled at New York in October, 1765. This step was adopted at the suggestion of Massachusetts, and was preparatory to a more extensive and general association of the colonies, which took place in September, 1774, and laid the foundation of permanentindependence. At this last period, the impending oppressions of Great Britain induced the colonies to unite in sending delegates to a congress at Philadelphia, with authority to consult together for the common welfare. The measures adopted by this assembly met with a prompt and general obedience, and the union thus auspiciously formed was continued by a succession of delegates in congress; it has continued through the struggles of a revolution, foreign war and domestic dissension.—God grant that it may be perpetual.
In May, 1775, a congress, with ample discretionary powers, assembled in Philadelphia. Georgia soon after acceded to the measures that had been adopted, and completed the confederacy of the thirteen colonies. In Massachusetts, hostilities had been already commenced, and the appeal to arms was now considered as the only resource. Congress prepared to support this measure, and, gradually assuming all the attributes of sovereignty, on the fourth day of July, 1776, declared the united colonies to be free and independent states. The consequences of this step belong more properly to another portion of this volume. In June, 1776, congress undertook to prepare articles of confederation; but it was not till November of the following year that they were able so far to unite discordant interests, as to adopt these articles. In passing through the states, they met with still stronger impediments, and it was not till three years after their first promulgation, that they received the unanimous approbation of the United States. This confederation proved imbecile and insignificant, and it was only by the assumption of power not granted by the fundamental charter of the union, that congress could rescue the country from the most humiliating consequences. A quorum of congress could with difficulty be assembled; the finances of the nation were annihilated; in 1784, the whole army amounted but to eighty men, and the states were urged to provide some of the militia to garrison the western posts. In short, to use the impressive and melancholy language of the Federalist, ‘each state, yielding to the voice of immediate interest or convenience, successively withdrew its support from the confederation, till the frail and tottering edifice was ready to fall upon our heads, and to crush us beneath its ruins.’