Having noticed the most important features of the military operations of the year 1777, it will be proper, before entering on those of the following years, to afford the reader some information on two very important points—the progress made by the Americans in their foreign relations, and the steps which had been taken to consolidate the general government. In both cases it will be necessary, in order to give a clear and comprehensive view of the subject, slightly to deviate from strict chronological order.
The contest between Great Britain and her colonies had not long commenced, before congress directed their attention to the possibility of attaining foreign assistance. Towards the close of the year 1775, a committee was appointed to hold secret correspondence with the friends of America,both in Europe and other parts of the world.[123] Early in the year 1776, the committee, seeing little prospect of an accommodation, and well aware that France would be disposed to make great sacrifices to reduce the powerof Great Britain by the separation of her North American colonies,sent Silas Deane, as a commercial and political agent, to the French court.[124] Mr. Deane arrived in Paris about the 1st of July, and was indefatigable in pursuing the objects of his mission; and through Dr. Dubourg, a friend to America, was in a few days introduced to Vergennes. His arrival at Paris was immediately known in London, and lord Stormont was sent express to Paris to watch his movements. Mr. Deane stated to the French minister the objects of his mission, agreeably to his instructions, and in his first conference he touched upon the subject of forming treaties with the Americans in case of their declaring themselves independent. The American agent was favorably received by the French minister, and was asked many questions in relation to American affairs. Vergennes informed Mr. Deane, that though the French court estimated highly the importance of American commerce, yet, considering the good understanding between the courts of Versailles and London, they could not openly encourage the shipping of warlike stores; but no obstructions of any kind, he said, would be given. On the subject of independence, he observed that was an event in the womb of time, and it would be highly improper for him to say any thing on that point until it had actually taken place. This first conference with the French minister ended much to the satisfaction of the American agent.
As soon as the question of independence was decided in the affirmative, congress took the subject of foreign affairs into their own hands; and, on the 11th of June,appointed a committee to prepare a plan of treaties with foreign powers.[125] In the month of September, congress appointed Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane, and Mr. Jefferson, commissioners to proceed to France.[126] Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee arrived at Paris in December, and the objects of their mission were soon made known to the French court. The court was not yet prepared to acknowledge the independence of the United States, to form treaties with them, or openly to espouse the cause of the Americans; to prove, however, his good wishes towards the United States, the king ordered two millions of livres to be paid to them by quarterly payments, which should be augmented as the state of his finances would permit. The most profound secrecy, in relation to this donation, was enjoined.The course of policy France intended to pursue, in the contest between Great Britain and her colonies, was now obvious; and with her views of the subject, was perhaps, as it regarded herself at least, a very natural as well as wise course, as she evidently entertained serious doubts whether the states would be able to form a lasting union among themselves, or to persevere in maintaining their independence.
Although the court were thus undecided, the cause of the United States was extremely popular in France, both among the people and the army, and many French officers sought an opportunity of engaging in their service. Among these the young marquis de la Fayette was most conspicuous for his rank, and most distinguished for his ardor and enthusiasm. At an early period he communicated to the American agents his wish to join the republican armies. At first they encouraged his zeal, but learning the disasters which preceded the victory at Trenton, they, with honorable frankness, communicated the information to him, and added, that they were so destitute of funds, that they could not even provide for his passage across the ocean. ‘If your country,’ replied the gallant youth, ‘is indeed reduced to this extremity, it is at this moment that my departure to join her armies will render her the most essential service.’ He immediately hired a vessel to convey him to America, where he arrived in the spring of 1777. He was received with cordial affection by the people, became the bosom friend of Washington, solicited permission to serve without pay, and was appointed major-general in the army.
The disastrous state of American affairs at the close of the year 1776, induced congress to attend more seriously to the subject of securing foreign aid; and a new committee was appointed. Some of the members of this committee were disposed to make great sacrifices to obtain the aid of France,and were almost prepared to offer her the same monopoly of American commerce as had been enjoyed by Great Britain.[127] On the 30th of December, congress came to the resolution of sending commissioners to the courts of Vienna, Madrid, and Berlin,and to the grand duke of Tuscany.[128] These commissioners were instructed to assure the courts, to which they were sent, that the Americans were determined to maintain their independence, notwithstanding the suggestions of the British to the contrary.
The success of the arms of the United States by the capture of the army of general Burgoyne, gave a new aspect to their affairs in France, and indeed throughout Europe. The American commissioners at Paris now stood on commanding ground. The French court, aware of the views of the British ministry in relation to the colonies, no longer hesitated about accepting the propositions of the American envoys. M. Gerard informed the American commissioners, on the 16th of December, ‘that after a long and mature deliberation upon their propositions, his majesty had determined to recognise the independence of, and to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of America; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, but actually support it with all the means in his power; that perhaps he was about to engage himself in an expensive war upon this account, but that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them; in fine, the Americans were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a view of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to them and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish the power of England, by severing her colonies from her.’ On the 6th of February, 1778, a treaty of commerce was signed by Franklin, Deane, and Lee, on the part of the United States, and by M. Gerard on the part of France, together with a treaty of defensive alliance, in case war should be the consequence of this commercial connection. The essential and direct end of this alliance was, ‘to maintain the liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as of commerce.’
Before leaving this subject, it is necessary to state, that as, previous to the recognition of independence by the court of France, it was imperative that the intercourse with the American agents should be conducted indirectly and with the utmost secrecy, the French government rendered their secret assistance through the agency of M. Beaumarchais, who appears to have been more desirous of serving himself than the Americans. The mode in which he converted the gratuitous aid of the French court into articles of charge in his accounts with the congress, and especially his retaining in his hands a million of livres out of the subsidy granted by the French king, are circumstances too extraordinary to be entirely passed over; but our limits compel us to refer the reader for the details to that very able work, Pitkin’s Civil and Political History, and to the volumes of Diplomatic Correspondence already alluded to.
During the first stages of the revolution, the universal enthusiasm of the people, directed to one common object, in some measure supplied the place of a general legislative and executive power. The congress had hitherto possessed no powers but such as were conferred by the instructions given by the state legislatures to their respective delegates; but on the 11th of June, 1776, the day following that in which the resolution in favor of independence had been adopted, congress determined to appoint a committee to prepare and digest the form of a confederation. This committee, on the 12th of July following, reported a plan of confederacy, consisting of twenty articles, and on the 22d of the same month it was discussed in committee of the whole house, and was under consideration until the 20th of August, when an amended draft was reported. The difficulty in agreeing upon the details of the system, as well as the gloomy aspect of American affairs at this period, prevented congress from resumingthis subject until April, 1777, when they resolved that two days in each week should be employed upon it, ‘until it shall be wholly discussed.’ The amended draft was considered and debated accordingly until the 26th of June, when it was again postponed to the 2d of October, and was not finally adopted by congress until the 15th of November. The outlines of the system were, that the thirteen states formed a confederacy, under the style and name of ‘the United States of America;’ by which they entered ‘into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever.’ This plan of union was to be proposed to the legislatures of all the states, and, if approved, they were advised to authorize their delegates in congress to ratify the same; this being done, it was to be conclusive. The plan was considered by the legislatures of the several states in the winter of 1777–8, and by some was adopted without amendments, by others various amendments were proposed.
The effect produced on the British cabinet, and on the nation at large, by the intelligence of the surrender of general Burgoyne and his army, can scarcely be described. The most brilliant success had been anticipated; the most ignominious result had occurred. The pride of the nation was humbled, and those who had disapproved of the war poured upon the ministry a torrent of invective; while the embarrassments of the ministry were increased by the intelligence of the course which the hereditary enemy and rival of Great Britain had resolved to pursue. Under these circumstances it was determined in the cabinet to grant to America all that she had demanded in the beginning of the contest. An act was passed, declaring that parliament would not, in future, impose any tax upon the colonies; and commissioners were sent over, authorized to proclaim a repeal of all the offensive statutes, and to treat with the constituted authorities of America. The commissioners, arriving at Philadelphia in the spring, communicated to congress the terms offered by Great Britain,which were, however, unanimously rejected.[129]
The arms of congress had been successful on the Hudson; but many difficulties arose in the execution of the convention of Saratoga. It had been stipulated that general Burgoyne’s army should embark at Boston forEurope: but, at the time of signing the convention, the British general seems not to have been aware that it is difficult for ships to reach the port of Boston during the winter; and that, owing to this cause, the embarkation of his troops might be delayed till the ensuing spring. On being apprized of this circumstance, general Burgoyne immediately applied to the American commander-in-chief, desiring him to change the port of embarkation, and to appoint Newport, in Rhode Island, or some other place on the sound, instead of Boston; and, in case this request should not be complied with, soliciting, on account of his health and private business, that the indulgence might be granted to himself and suite. General Washington, not thinking himself authorized to decide on such an application, transmitted it to congress, which took no notice of the matter further than to pass a resolution, ‘That general Washington be directed to inform general Burgoyne, that congress will not receive or consider any proposition for indulgence, or altering the terms of the convention of Saratoga, unless immediately addressed to their own body.’ The application was accordingly made to congress, who readily complied with the request in so far as it respected himself personally, but refused the indulgence to his troops, and ultimately forbade their embarkation.