The annunciation that such a treaty had been negotiated by the President so secretly, excited no small surprise throughout the country, and immediately awakened deep concern and anxiety in the bosoms of those who were opposed to the measure. In the view of this portion of the community, the admission of Texas was a serious calamity, inasmuch as it involved the extension of slavery, if not an open rupture with Mexico, which still laid claim, with what justice we do not here pretend to decide, to the republic, as a part of her rightful domain. On the other hand, these and other objections had no force with a large party, who were in favor of her admission. They saw in such a measure not merely the extension of the great principle of liberty, and the wider diffusion and enjoyment of our inestimable privileges and institutions, but the means of great wealth, inasmuch as her rich lands might be devoted to the production of cotton and other agricultural products, and would furnish a mart for such surplus slave population, as was not needed in contiguous states. It was confidently asserted that it would not increase slavery in the land, but serve to place what was deemed a necessary evil at a farther remove from the non-holding slave states.
On the 8th of June, a direct vote was taken on the question of ratifying the above treaty, when it appeared that 35 members were against its ratification, and 10 in favor of it. It would have required 34 votes (two thirds) according to the constitution to ratify the treaty, whereas more than two thirds voted against it.
On the rejection of this treaty, the President transmitted a message to the house of representatives, informing that body of the action of the senate, andvirtually requesting them to adopt some course, by which his object should be obtained. He said, “While I have regarded the annexation to be accomplished by treaty, as the most suitable form in which it could be effected, should congress deem it proper to resort to any other expedient conformably with the constitution, and likely to accomplish the object, I stand prepared to yield my most prompt and active co-operation. The great question is not as to the manner in which it shall be done, but whether it shall be accomplished or not.”
During the progress of these interesting measures in congress, not less interesting events were transpiring in other parts of the country. Another presidential election was approaching, and already the several parties were marshalling their forces for the contest. Within a few days, three conventions were held for the purpose of nominating candidates for the two first offices in the country, to be voted for in November, 1844.
The first of these was a whig convention convened on the 1st of May, in the city of Baltimore. Over the deliberations of this convention, the Hon. Ambrose Spencer of New York presided. By this convention, composed of a large delegation from every state in the Union, Henry Clay of Kentucky was unanimously recommended, as the whig candidate for the presidency of the United States. At the same time Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey was nominated to the office of vice-president.
On the following day the foregoing nominations were ratified by a grand national mass convention, composed of young men from all parts of the Union—probably the largest political assemblage ever convened in the United States in a regular convention. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, presided.
On the 27th of the same month, May, the democratic national convention assembled in the city of Baltimore for a similar object of this convention. H. C. Wright of Pennsylvania was elected president of the convention. Previous to the meeting of this convention, it was generally anticipated that Martin Van Buren, of New York, would be its unanimous choice for the presidency. Not a few of the delegates had been specially instructed to give their votes for him. The popularity of Mr. Van Buren, however, had, from various causes, been for some time diminishing. His letter in opposition to the annexation of Texas had served to cool the friendship of many of his southern political friends. In addition to these considerations, there were probably others which have not yet transpired from the bosoms of some who exercised a paramount influence in the Baltimore convention. Be this, however, as it may, a plan was projected to pass Mr. Van Buren, and select another candidate. This was accomplished by requiring a majority of two thirds of the delegates present in favor of the candidates elected. To the adoption of such a rule, the friends of Mr. Van Buren, for a time, strenuously objected. They were, however, overruled, and at length it came to pass, that the man, who, it is believed, nearly every state in the Union had in one way or another recommended to the suffrages of the convention, was laid aside, and a candidate in the person of James K. Polk was selected, whose name, previously to the convention, had scarcely ever been heard in connection with the first office in the land. Most remarkable was it, that the man who, during the first seven ballotings of a convention so large, did not receive a single vote, and in the eighth balloting but forty-four, should on the ninth receive every vote of the convention, being 266 in number. At the same time George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for vice-president.
On the same day, in another part of the city of Baltimore, a Tyler national convention, as it was called, was assembled for the purpose of nominating John Tyler to the office of President. Of this convention Judge White, of Connecticut, was elected president. The convention was composed of delegates from various parts of the union, without restriction as regards to number from any state or district, or any question as to the manner of their appointment; by this convention John Tyler was nominated for the presidency. It adjourned without nominating a candidate for the vice-presidency, but adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of a committee, who should report a candidate for the vice-presidency through the public papers.
The candidates thus nominated by these several conventions, accepted their nominations, and from this time the political campaign opened with all that activity and busy bustle, which of late have characterized our presidential elections. Immense mass meetings of old and young were held in every section of the country, for the purpose of approving of the several nominations, and of stimulating the friends of the respective candidates to every effort to secure their election. It may here be added, that on the 30th of August, Mr. Tyler, finding himself without a party adequate either in numbers or zeal to elect him, wisely withdrew from the presidential canvass. The course he had pursued was popular with no party. Yet, on withdrawing his name, he seems, for reasons not well understood, to have aided the election of Mr. Polk, by removing from office those who were friendly to the election of Mr. Clay, and substituting in their place men well known to favor the pretensions of his rival.
The 28th congress closed its first session of 196 days, on the 17th of June. Little business of importance had been accomplished. Several bills deeply affecting the interests of the country were lost. Fortunately for the manufacturing interests, a bill having for its object an essential alteration of the tariff, and which was urged by its advocates with great force, was laid upon the table of the house by a vote of 105 to 99. A post-office bill, reducing the rates of postage was passed by the senate, but was neglected by the house, as was also its own bill for regulating postage, and the franking privilege of members of congress.