19 and 20 Sept.—The army under General Gage at Boston cannot be of much service there; it would require a very great force to penetrate any way into the country. Every American able to bear arms will take the field; they will avoid meeting the King’s troops openly, will harass and pick them off from behind trees, hedges, or any cover, and will ever take possession of the ground left by the King’s troops. The provincials, by handling arms, will become soldiers. They seem not to foresee the great misery that their non-importation and non-exportation will occasion among them. I am inclined to think that they entered into this association more with a design to cause troubles and commotions in England than from a conception that they can subsist for any time without our manufactures. The agreement not to export their produce will of itself bring them to implore Britain to permit them to send it out; thousands must starve else. As long as the King’s troops act against the rebellious colonists, they will hang together, and be obedient to their leaders. If the troops shall be withdrawn, the people will have nothing to divert their attention from their situation; they will more forcibly feel the sad distress that non-exportation will inevitably spread in every province: every man will think for himself, they will become discontented, and will insist on making up the affair with the mother country. I am persuaded that after they are left to reflect coolly on their conduct they will return to their duty. They, no doubt, at present imagine that they will be supplied from Holland and France; indeed, it will hardly be possible wholly to hinder this; yet it will be as impossible for the Americans to get a twentieth part of what they’ll want. A few ships of war can block up all their principal harbours, and a chain of small cruisers can do the rest. Necessity is the mother of invention. They will become expert in many manufactures, but without money in the country the manufacturer will find but little encouragement. Without foreign trade they’ll have no money.
Every soldier on the continent would be well employed to drive the rebels from this province. The provincial troops have executed their plan so far. A body of them have gone round our works at St. John’s, and have taken post on Sorrel River. By this means they cut off all communication with our little army by water, and they are now endeavouring to cut off the communication between St. John’s and Montreal. If they succeed, our troops at St. John’s can have no supply of provisions from any quarter, as the rebels are posted also at Isle aux Noix. We are not above 500 strong at Quebec. We lately had 900 Indian warriors in our interest; they have made their peace with the provincials, and are about returning to their homes. The rebels have nothing to fear from the Canadians; nine in ten are in their interests, and heartily wish them success. How have we been deceived in the Canadians! Many Englishmen in this province have taken infinite pains to set the Quebec Act in a most horrid light to the Canadians, and they have succeeded but too well. The Canadians look upon the rebels as their best friends. I shall not be surprised if many join them. We are in a bad situation in this place. The walls are in bad repair; in many places an enemy may easily enter the town. We have no cannon mounted. We have not a single armed vessel in our harbour. General Carleton, in whose military abilities we have great confidence, is at Montreal. Our Lieut.-Governor (Mr. Cramahé) and Col. McLean are doing everything in their power to put the town in a proper posture of defence. The British militia amount to 300, many of them well-wishers to the rebels. The Canadians muster about 600; few of them, I fear, willing to use their arms in defence of Quebec. I cannot suppose the provincials can bring artillery against this place. They know our strength, and I imagine they intend to take the town by assault. If they cannot effect it this fall, they will quarter themselves in the parishes round the town, and intercept all our supplies. If they cannot take us by assault nor starve us out, we hope to be reinforced from England very early in spring, for we can expect no assistance from the Canadian peasantry. Many of them have told me that they look on this rebellion only as a quarrel among Englishmen, in which they are no way immediately concerned, but that hereafter they’ll reap great benefit if the colonists shall succeed in their plans. They have the notion that if the rebels get entire possession of the country, they’ll be for ever exempted from paying taxes. If one asks them what will become of them when the British forces re-take the town in the spring, they answer that everything will be settled before that time; for that when the Ministry find Quebec in the hands of the Americans, they’ll readily comply with every American demand. My opinion on the whole is this: Unless our troops at St. John’s can join us here, the rebels will starve us; and even if they do, the flying parties of our enemies will intimidate the Canadians so much that no provisions will be brought to town. If the 500 at St. John’s shall be able to join us, the rebels will not be able to enter the town unless hunger shall force us to abandon it. We are about 6,000 souls in Quebec. Perhaps the Canadians may return to their duty; in that case we have nothing to fear from the combined force of North America with such a General as our Governor at our head.
20 Sept.—There is advice from Montreal that the party on the Sorrel consists of 150 Canadians, headed by one Duggan, formerly a hairdresser of this place, and one James Livingstone, son of an Albany Dutchman, who resided long in Montreal. It is not known whether there are any provincials with them; it is supposed there are. It is imagined that it was this band of villains who fired on an artillery batteau loaded with stores for St. John’s; they killed the men, 11 in number, and took her. Since the Governor’s proclamation offering pardon to the Canadians of Duggan’s party, many of them have deserted him, and they hourly expect to see Duggan and Livingstone brought dead or alive into Montreal. General Schuyler, commanding the expedition against this country, has commanded the parishes on the Sorrel or Richlieu River &c. to send 50 men from each, armed and properly provided, under pain of having fire and sword carried among them on refusal. I hope this mandate will open the eyes of the Canadians. The rebels could not have done us greater service.
Extract of a letter I received to-day from Montreal:—“The behaviour and appearance of our militia surpasses my most sanguine expectations, both as to numbers and conduct. Courage, loyalty, and cheerfulness are conspicuous in their countenances, and they do their duty cheerfully. I cannot help likewise expressing the pleasure I feel at the appearance of the peasantry returning to their duty.”—Quebec.
RESOLUTIONS FAVOURING THE AMERICAN COLONIES (1775).
Source.—“Speech on Conciliation with America,” Edmund Burke. Vol. i. of his Collected Works. London: G. Bell and Sons. 1909.
I wish, Sir, to repeal the Boston Port Bill, because (independently of the dangerous precedent of suspending the rights of the subject during the king’s pleasure) it was passed, as I apprehend, with less regularity, and on more partial principles, than it ought. The corporation of Boston was not heard before it was condemned. Other towns, full as guilty as she was, have not had their ports blocked up. Even the restraining bill of the present session does not go to the length of the Boston Port Act. The same ideas of prudence, which induced you not to extend equal punishment to equal guilt, even when you were punishing, induced me, who mean not to chastise, but to reconcile, to be satisfied with the punishment already partially inflicted.
Ideas of prudence and accommodation to circumstances, prevent you from taking away the charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island, as you have taken away that of Massachusetts colony, though the crown has far less power in the two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter; and though the abuses have been full as great, and as flagrant, in the exempted as in the punished. The same reasons of prudence and accommodation have weight with me in restoring the charter of Massachusetts Bay. Besides, Sir, the act which changes the charter of Massachusetts is in many particulars so exceptionable, that if I did not wish absolutely to repeal, I would by all means desire to alter it; as several of its provisions tend to the subversion of all public and private justice. Such, among others, is the power in the governor to change the sheriff at his pleasure; and to make a new returning officer for every special cause. It is shameful to behold such a regulation standing among English laws.
The act for bringing persons accused of committing murder under the orders of government to England for trial is but temporary. That act has calculated the probable duration of our quarrel with the colonies; and is accommodated to that supposed duration. I would hasten the happy moment of reconciliation; and therefore must, on my principle, get rid of that most justly obnoxious act.
The act of Henry the Eighth, for the trial of treasons, I do not mean to take away, but to confine it to its proper bounds and original intention; to make it expressly for trial of treasons (and the greatest treasons may be committed) in places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not extend.
Having guarded the privileges of local legislature, I would next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiassed judicature; for which purpose, Sir, I propose the following resolution: “That, from the time when the general assembly or general court of any colony or plantation in North America, shall have appointed by act of assembly, duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the chief justice and other judges of the superior court, it may be proper that the said chief justice and other judges of the superior courts of such colony, shall hold his and their office and offices during their good behaviour; and shall not be removed therefrom, but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his Majesty in council, upon a hearing on complaint from the general assembly, or on a complaint from the governor, or council, or the house of representatives severally, or of the colony in which the said chief justice and other judges have exercised the said offices.”