We are pleased to have Mr. Wadsworth's explanation of the reform movement in Hiram, which we had been misled into crediting to the Democrats. * * * Go on, Mr. Wadsworth, you have our best wishes. There is nothing in the way of the general adoption of your ideas but a lot of antiquated and obsolete notions, sustained by the laughter of fools.

The same year we have the report of the first suffrage society in that State, which seems to place Maine in the van of her New England sisters, notwithstanding the great darkness our correspondent deplores:

Dear Revolution: A society has just been organized here called the Equal Rights Association of Rockland. It bids fair to live, although it requires all the courage of heroic souls to contend against the darkness that envelopes the people. But the foundation is laid, and many noble women are catching the inspiration of the hour. When we are fully under way, we shall send you a copy of our preamble and resolutions.

Elvira C. Thorndyke, Cor. Sec'y.

The Hon. John Neal, who was foremost in all good work in Maine, in a letter to The Revolution, describes the first meeting called in Portland, in May, 1870, to consider the subject of suffrage for woman. He says:

Dear Revolution: According to my promise, I sent an advertisement to all three of our daily papers last Saturday, in substance like the following, though somewhat varied in language:

Elevation of Woman.—All who favor Woman Suffrage, the Sixteenth Amendment, and the restoration of woman to her "natural and inalienable rights," are wanted for consultation at the audience room of the Portland Institute and Public Library, on Wednesday evening next, at half-past seven o'clock. Per order

John Neal.

The weather was unfavorable; nevertheless, the small room, holding from sixty to seventy-five, to which the well-disposed were invited for consultation and organization, was crowded so that near the close not a seat could be had; and crowded, too, with educated and intelligent women, and brave, thoughtful men, so far as one might judge by appearances, and about in equal proportions. Among the latter were Mr. Talbot, United States district-attorney, a good lawyer and a self-convinced fellow laborer, so far as suffrage is concerned; but rather unwilling to go further at present, lest if a woman should be sent to the legislature (against her will, of course!) she might neglect her family, or be obliged to take her husband with her, to keep her out of mischief; just as if Portland, with 35,000 inhabitants and four representatives, would not be likely to find two unmarried women or widows, or married women not disqualified by matrimonial incumbrances or liabilities, to represent the sex; or lest, if she should get into the post-office, being by nature so curious and inquisitive, she might be found peeping—as if the chief distinction between superior and inferior minds was not this very disposition to inquire and investigate; as if, indeed, that which distinguishes the barbarous from the civilized, were not this very inquisitiveness and curiosity; the savage being satisfied with himself and averse to inquiry; the civilized ever on the alert, in proportion to his intelligence, and, like the Athenians, always on the look-out for some "new thing."

And then, too, we had Judge Goddard, of the Superior Court, one of our boldest and clearest thinkers, who could not be persuaded to take a part in the discussion, though declaring himself entirely opposed to the movement. And yet, he is the very man who, at a Republican convention several years ago, offered a resolution in favor of impartial suffrage, only to find himself in a minority of two; but persevered nevertheless, year after year, until the very same resolution, word for word, was unanimously adopted by another Republican convention! Of course, Judge Goddard will not be likely to shrink from giving his reasons hereafter, if the movement should propagate itself, as it certainly will.

We had also for consideration a synopsis of what deserves to be called most emphatically "The Maine Law," in relation to married women, prepared by Mr. Drummond, our late speaker and formerly attorney-general, and one of our best lawyers, where it was demonstrated, both by enactments and adjudications, running from March, 1844, to February, 1866, that a married woman—to say nothing of widows and spinsters—has little to complain of in our State, her legal rights being far ahead of the age, and not only acknowledged, but enforced; she being mistress of herself and of her earnings, and allowed to trade for herself, while "her contracts for any lawful purpose are made valid and binding, and to be enforced, as if she were sole agent of her property, but she cannot be arrested."

Then followed Mr. S. B. Beckett, just returned from a trip to the Holy Land, who testified, among other things, that he had seen women both in London and Ireland who knew "how to keep a hotel," which is reckoned among men as the highest earthly qualification—and proved it by managing some of the largest and best in the world.

And then Mr. Charles Jose, late one of our aldermen, who, half in earnest and half in jest, took t'other side of the question, urging, first, that this was a political movement—as if that were any objection, supposing it true; our whole system of government being a political movement, and that, by which we trampled out the last great rebellion, another, both parties and all parties coöperating in the work; next, that women did not ask for suffrage—it was the men who asked for it, in their names; that there were no complaints and no petitions from women! As if petitions had not gone up and complaints, too, by thousands, from all parts of the country, from school-teachers and office clerks and others, as well as from the women at large, both over sea and here.

But enough. The meeting stands adjourned for a week. Probably no organization will be attempted, lest it might serve to check free discussion.

J. N.

May 5, 1870.

Elevation of Woman.—All who favor Woman Suffrage, the Sixteenth Amendment, and the restoration of woman to her "natural and inalienable rights," are wanted for consultation at the audience room of the Portland Institute and Public Library, on Wednesday evening next, at half-past seven o'clock. Per order

John Neal.

Mr. W. W. McCann wrote to the Woman's Journal of this suffrage meeting in Portland, in 1870:

Judge Howe's voice, when he addressed the jury of Wyoming as "Ladies and Gentlemen of the Grand Jury," fell upon the ears of that crowded court-room as a strange and unusual sound. Equally strange and impracticable seemed the call for a "woman suffrage meeting," at the city building, to the conservative citizens of Portland. However, notwithstanding the suspicion and prejudice with which this movement is regarded, quite a large and highly respectable audience assembled at an early hour to witness the new and wonderful phenomenon of a meeting to aid in giving the ballot to woman.

Hon. John Neal, who issued the call for the meeting, was the first to speak. He reviewed the history of this movement, both in this country and in England. He gave some entertaining reminiscences of his acquaintance with John Stuart Mill forty years ago. Mr. Mill was not then in favor of universal suffrage; he advocated the enfranchisement of the male sex only. Mr. Neal claimed the right for women also. He was happy to learn that since then Mr. Mill has thrown all the weight of his influence and his masterly intellect in favor of universal suffrage. He then entered into an elaborate discussion of some of the objections brought against woman suffrage, and, much to the surprise of many present, showed that the rights which women demand are just and reasonable, and ought to be granted. John M. Todd remarked that he was not so much impressed by the logical arguments in favor of suffrage as by the shallow and baseless arguments of the opposition. The friends of woman suffrage are becoming active and earnest in their efforts, and discussion is freely going on through the daily papers.

To-day, the Eastern Argus, a leading Democratic organ of this city, denounces this movement as the most "damnable heresy of this generation." We venture the prediction that its friends, if true to the progressive tendencies of the day, will realize the consummation of their cherished heresy in the proposed sixteenth amendment, which will abolish all distinction of class and sex.

On August 12, 1871, the announcement that Colby University would be opened to girls gave general satisfaction to the women of Maine. A correspondent says:

Hereafter young women will be admitted to this institution on "precisely the same terms as young men." They may take the regular course, or such a course as they may select, taking at least two studies each term. They will room and board in families in the village, and simply attend the required exercises at the college. The next examination for entrance will be on Wednesday, August 30. One young lady has already signified her purpose to enter the regular course. Four New England colleges are now open to women—Bates, at Lewiston; Colby, at Waterville, Me.; Vermont University, at Burlington, Vt., and Wesleyan, at Middletown, Conn. Let's have no more women's colleges established, for the next decade will make them unnecessary, as by that time all the colleges of the country will be opened to them.