History of Woman Suffrage, Volume III

by Unknown

A correspondence also was conducted with Mr. Gladstone by the Bristol Ladies' Liberal Association and others whom they invited to join them, of known Liberal views, urging him to receive a delegation and praying that

It may not in the future be said that women alone were unworthy of any measure of confidence which you so rightly extended even to the humblest and most ignorant men.

Mr. Gladstone declined to receive the deputation, partly on the ground of illness, partly lest the admission of their views might interfere with his plans for the bill. So the day of battle drew on, when a rumor began to be circulated that the government intended to oppose Mr. Woodall's clause, on the ground that its admission might endanger the bill. Strenuous efforts were at the same time made to induce him to withdraw the amendment, and the government whips plainly intimated that the question would not be considered an open one, on which members were to be free to vote according to their convictions, but as one which the government had made up their minds to oppose. With the hope of changing this determination a memorial was signed by seventy-seven members of parliament, and presented to Mr. Gladstone, asking him to leave the introduction of the clause an open question. It represented—

That the Franchise bill being now in committee a favorable opportunity is afforded for the discussion of the amendment for extending its provisions to women, of which notice has been given by Mr. Woodall.

That your memorialists have heard a rumor that her majesty's government have declared against allowing the question to be discussed and decided on its merits, on the ground that the adoption of the proposal might endanger the bill.

That your memorialists are of the opinion that the claim of women who are householders and ratepayers is just and reasonable, and that the time when the House is engaged in amending the law relating to the representation of the people is the proper time for the consideration of this claim.

That during the discussion in committee on the Reform bill of 1867, an amendment for extending its provisions to women was introduced by Mr. John Stuart Mill, and that on that occasion the government of the day offered no opposition to the full and free discussion of the question, and placed no restriction on the free exercise of the judgment of members of their party as to the manner in which they should vote. The tellers appointed against Mr. Mill's motion were not even the government tellers.

That your memorialists earnestly pray that the precedent so instituted may be followed on the present occasion, and that the clause proposed by Mr. Woodall may be submitted to the free and unbiased decision of the House on its own merits.

They desire earnestly to express their conviction that the course of allowing the question to be an open one, on which the government is prepared to accept the decision of the House, cannot possibly endanger or prejudice the Franchise bill. In connection with this your memorialists would press on your attention the fact that Mr. Woodall's amendment is in the form of a new clause, and would not therefore come under discussion until the bill as it stands has passed through committee.

This request was refused. On June 9, such unexpected progress was made by the committee of the House of Commons with the Franchise bill that all the government clauses were carried. There were many amendments on the paper which took precedence of Mr. Woodall's, but these were hastily gone through or withdrawn, and in the middle of the morning sitting of June 9, he rose and moved the introduction of his clause. Mr. Woodall's speech was a masterpiece of earnest but temperate reasoning. He was fortunate enough to present an old and well-worn subject in new lights. He said that Mr. Gladstone had affirmed the principle of the measure to be to give every householder a vote, and it would now be his endeavor to pursuade parliament that women were capable citizens, who would meet all the conditions so clearly laid down by the prime minister. Against the charge of inopportunity in bringing the subject forward at this crisis, he reminded the House of Mr. Chamberlain's words on a recent occasion, that it was always opportune to do right.

Mr. Gladstone said there were two questions to be considered. One of these was the question whether women were to be enfranchised, the other whether the enfranchisement should be effected by a clause introduced in committee on the present bill. The second question was that on which he was about to dwell. He deprecated the introduction of new matter into the bill. The cargo which the vessel carried was, in the opinion of the government, as large as she could carry safely. The proposal was a very large one. It did not seem unreasonable to believe that the number of persons in the three kingdoms to be enfranchised by the amendment would be little short of half a million. What was the position in which Mr. Woodall placed the government when he requested them to introduce a completely new subject on which men profoundly differed, and which, it was clear, should receive a full and dispassioned investigation? It was not now practicable to give that investigation. This was one of those questions which it would be intolerable to mix up with purely political and party debates. If there was a subject in the whole compass of human life and experience that was sacred beyond all other subjects it was the character and position of woman. Did his honorable friend ask him to admit that the question deserved the fullest consideration? He gave him that admission freely. Did he ask whether he (Mr. Gladstone) wished to bind the members of the Government or his colleagues in the cabinet with respect to the votes they would give on this question? Certainly not, provided only that they took the subject from the vortex of political contention. He was bound to say, whilst thus free and open on the subject itself, that with regard to the proposal to introduce it into this bill he offered it the strongest opposition in his power, and must disclaim and renounce all responsibility for the measure should Mr. Woodall succeed in inducing the committee to adopt his amendment.

On motion of Lord John Manners the debate was adjourned till June 12.

On the intervening day a meeting was summoned of the general committee of the society. Miss Cobbe first, and Mr. Woodall subsequently, presided, and the following resolutions were passed:

Resolved, That the claim of duly qualified women to the exercise of the suffrage having been continuously presented before parliament and the country since the Reform bill of 1867, this meeting is of opinion that the time when the legislature is again engaged in amending the law relating to the representation of the people is the proper time for the consideration of this claim.

Resolved, That this meeting heartily approves of the amendment which Mr. Woodall has moved in committee on the Franchise bill for extending its provisions to duly qualified women, and pledge themselves to support his action by every means in their power.

Resolved, That they have heard with astonishment that her majesty's government refuse to allow this amendment to be discussed on its merits and to be decided by the free exercise of the judgment of members of the House of Commons, but that the government require their supporters to refrain from such free exercise of their judgment on the alleged ground that the adoption of the proposal would endanger the Franchise bill.

Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting the exercise of such pressure appears to be an infringement of the privileges of a free parliament and an aggression on the rights of the people. They hold that all sections of the community, whether electors or non-electors, have an indefeasible right to have matters affecting their interests submitted to the unbiased judgment, and decided by the unfettered discretion of the members sent to represent them in parliament.

Resolved, That a declaration signed by 110 Liberal members of the House of Commons was presented last session to Mr. Gladstone which set forth that, in the opinion of the memorialists, no measure for the assimilation of the borough and county franchise could be satisfactory unless it contained provisions for extending the suffrage, without distinction of sex, to all persons who possess the statutory qualifications for the parliamentary franchise.

Resolved, That this meeting calls upon those who signed this declaration, and all other members who believe that the claim of duly qualified women to the parliamentary franchise is reasonable and just, to support the clause moved by Mr. Woodall, in committee on the Franchise bill, for extending its provisions to such women.

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to Mr. Gladstone and to every member of parliament.

Resolved, That petitions to both houses of parliament in support of Mr. Woodall's clause be adopted and signed by the chairman on behalf of this meeting.

Some members of parliament who attended this meeting explained that though they were as firmly convinced as ever of the justice of the claim, they could not vote for it after Mr. Gladstone's distinct declaration that he would abandon the bill if the amendment were passed. On June 12 Lord John Manners resumed the debate. He said: