Never had a defeated army met in a more victorious mood. There was much indeed to encourage in the degree of importance to which the question had attained. It had risen from a purely speculative into a pressing political question; it had been debated during two days, and it was heartily supported by the Conservative leader.
The speeches at the conference were animated and full of hope for the future. Mr. Stansfeld congratulated the meeting on having made a new departure; their question had become one of practical politics, and they had now to address themselves in all the constituencies to the political organizations.
A magnificent meeting was held in St. James Hall the following week. The hall was densely crowded in every part, and an overflow meeting was arranged for those unable to gain admission. Some of the speakers[562] proposed as the best measure for agitation, a determined resistance against taxation.[563]]
Repeated attempts to obtain a day for the debate and division were followed by repeated disappointments. The session commenced in November, 1884. Mr. Woodall at once gave notice of a bill. In presenting it to the House, he concluded after consultation with parliamentary friends, to add a clause defining the action of his bill to be limited to unmarried women and widows.[564] The enacting clause of the bill was as follows:
For all purposes of and incidental to the voting for members to serve in parliament, women shall have the same rights as men, and all enactments relating to or concerned in such elections shall be construed accordingly, provided that nothing in this act shall enable women under coverture to be registered or to vote at such elections.
The addition of this clause excited much discussion. Those in favor of it argued that this limitation would certainly be imposed in committee of the House, which though it was in all probability prepared to give the vote to women possessed of independence, dreaded the extension of faggot votes which would have been the almost inevitable consequence of admitting married women; while the result would be the same whether the limitation clause was introduced by the promoters of the bill or by a parliamentary committee, and it would be more likely to obtain support at the second reading if its intentions were made clear in the beginning. On the other hand it was argued that the principle of giving the vote to women in the same degree that it was given to men, was the basis upon which the whole agitation rested; that marriage was no disqualification to men, and therefore should not prove so to women; and that, though it might be necessary to accept a limitation by parliament, it was not right for the society to lower its standard by proposing a compromise. This divergence in the views of the supporters of the movement was the cause of much discussion in the public press and elsewhere, and unfortunately resulted in the abstention of some of the oldest friends of the cause from working in support of this particular bill, although it was admitted on all sides that if a day could be obtained its chances in a division were very good.
The bill was introduced on November 19, 1884, and its opponents took the unprecedented course of challenging a division at this stage. Leave was however given to bring it in, and the second reading was set down for November 25, and then for December 9; on each occasion it was postponed owing to the adjournment of the House. It was next set down for Wednesday, March 4, but its chance was again destroyed by the appropriation by the government of all Wednesdays for the Seats bill. Mr. Woodall then fixed on June 24, but before that time the ministerial crisis occurred, and when that day arrived the House had been adjourned for the reëlections consequent upon a change of government. He then obtained the first place on Wednesday, July 22, but again ministers appropriated Wednesdays, and all chances for the session being over, Mr. Woodall gave order to discharge the bill.
This delay stands in sharp and painful contrast with the promptness with which parliament passed the Medical Relief bill. A clause had been inserted in the Franchise bill disfranchising any man who had been in receipt of parish medical aid for himself or family. This clause caused great dissatisfaction as it was stated it would disqualify from voting a large number of laborers in the agricultural counties; parliament therefore found time amidst all the press of business and party divisions to pass the Medical Relief bill removing this disfranchisement from men, though we are repeatedly assured that nothing but the want of time prevents their fair consideration of the enfranchisement of women. It is another proof that there is always time for a representative government to attend to the wants of its constituents.
Another effort was made in the House of Lords by Lord Denman who introduced a bill for extending the parliamentary vote to women. The committees[565] were unaware of his intention until they read a notice of the bill in the newspapers. The enacting clause was as follows:
All women, not legally disqualified, who have the same qualifications as the present and future electors for counties and divisions of counties and boroughs, shall be entitled to vote for knights of the shire for counties and divisions of counties and for boroughs, at every election.