It was again rumored in June that another secret Manchurian convention was afoot, which, if real, however, must have miscarried. No more successful was the patriotic effort of the Viceroy Chang Chih-tung and the late Viceroy Liu Kan-yi to create among the peace commissioners a sentiment for the opening to foreign trade of the whole of Manchuria. Toward the last of August Paul Lessar was appointed the Russian minister at Peking. The peace protocol agreed upon between China and the allied powers was finally signed on September 7, 1901, the imperial court was expected shortly to return to Peking, and the Chinese government began to look anxiously for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the realm. Seizing this opportunity, Russia proposed a new Manchurian treaty whose comparatively mild terms made it appear acceptable at this moment to the Chinese commissioners, especially to the pro-Russian, Li Hung Chang. According to the reported tenor of this treaty, the Manchurian evacuation was to be completed within two or three years, the Chinese troops at Mukden were to be trained by Russian officers, and their numbers to be determined by consulting Russia's wishes, and, as in the treaty withdrawn in April, Chinese artillery was forbidden. Considering the feeble attitude of the Chinese commissioners, it would have been extremely difficult for Japan and Great Britain effectively to protest against the acceptance of the Russian demands had not the Viceroys Liu and Chang strongly reminded the emperor and the empress dowager of the direct peril to the dynasty which might result from virtually forsaking its ancestral home, Manchuria, to a foreign power whose ambition knew no bounds. In accordance with the wishes of the court, the dying Li Hung Chang, on his sick-bed, saw Lessar and appealed to the Russian friendship for China to modify the terms of the proposed agreement. Li soon passed away, on November 7, leaving the gravest problem of China in a state of extreme uncertainty. Prince Ching presented a counter-proposition, which among other things requested the evacuation of Manchuria within one year. Russia's reply to this note arrived in Peking the last of January, 1902, and was found to contain a demand for an exclusive mining concession to Russia of all Manchuria, which is noted for its untold stores of minerals. Against this the United States, Great Britain, and Japan entered a firm protest. Secretary Hay, in his note of February 3, reminded the Russian and Chinese governments of the repeated assurances made by the tsar's foreign minister of his devotion to the principle of the open door in all parts of China, and said: "An agreement whereby China gives any corporation or company the exclusive right or privilege of opening mines, establishing railroads, or in any other way industrially developing Manchuria, can but be viewed with the gravest concern by the government of the United States. It constitutes a monopoly, which is a distinct breach of the stipulations of the treaties concluded between China and foreign powers, and thereby seriously affects the rights of American citizens." As usual, Russia, in her reply, so strongly reinforced her former pledges of the principle of the open door that the government at Washington found it impossible to dispute them without questioning Russia's integrity, which Hay was not disposed to do. By this time, however, an important event had taken place in the diplomatic world which was popularly regarded as a virtual protest against what was considered the Eastern policy of Russia—namely, the conclusion of the agreement of the Anglo-Japanese alliance signed at London on January 30, 1902.
The fair and open principles of this agreement may best be seen from its text, which was as follows:
"The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of the Empire of China and the Empire of Korea, and in securing equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows:
Article I.
"The High Contracting Parties having mutually recognized the independence of China and Korea, declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate principally to China, while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically as well as commercially and industrially in Korea, the High Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by the aggressive action of any other power, or by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating the intervention of either of the High Contracting Parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects.
Article II.
"If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defense of their respective interests as above described, should become involved in war with another power, the other High Contracting Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts to prevent other powers from joining in hostilities against its ally.
Article III.
"If, in the above event, any other power or powers should join in hostilities against that ally, the other High Contracting Party will come to its assistance, and will conduct the war in common, and will make peace in mutual agreement with it.