2. Military science and instruction should constitute a part of the course of education.
The constitution of the United States has invested the military defense of the country in the great body of the people. By the wise provisions of this instrument, and of the laws made in pursuance thereof, every American citizen, from eighteen to forty-five years of age, unless specially exempted by law, is liable to be called upon for the discharge of military duty—he is emphatically a citizen soldier, and it appears to me perfectly proper that he should be equally prepared by education to discharge, correctly, his duties in either capacity. If we intend to avoid a standing army, (that bane of a republic, and engine of oppression in the hands of despots,) our militia must be patronized and improved, and military information must be disseminated amongst the great mass of the people; when deposited with them, it is in safe hands, and will never be exhibited in practice, except in opposition to the enemies of the country. I am well aware there are amongst us many worthy individuals, who deem the cultivation of military science a sort of heresy, flattering themselves, and endeavoring to induce others to believe, that the time has now arrived, or is very near, when wars are to cease, and universal harmony prevail amongst mankind. But, my fellow-citizens, be not deceived by the syren song of peace, peace, when, in reality, there is no peace, except in a due and constant preparation for war. If we turn our attention to Europe, what do we behold? A league of crowned despots, impiously called holy, wielding a tremendous military force of two millions of mercenaries! Ill-fated Naples, and more ill-fated Spain, have both felt the effects of their peaceable dispositions, and were it not for the wide-spreading Atlantic, which the God of nature in his infinite goodness has interposed between us, we also, ere this, should have had a like experience. The principles of liberty are equally obnoxious to them, whether found in Europe, Asia, Africa, or America. If rendering mankind ignorant of the art of war, (as a science,) would prevent wars, then would I unite most cordially with those, usually termed peace-men, for the purpose of destroying every vestige of it. But such, I am confident, would not be the result. Wars amongst nations do not arise because they understand how to conduct them skillfully and on scientific principles; but are induced by the evil propensities and dispositions of mankind. To prevent the effect, the cause must be removed. We may render nations ignorant of the use of the musket and bayonet; we may carry them back, as respects the art of war, to a state of barbarism, or even of savageism, and still wars will exist. So long as mankind possess the dispositions which they now possess, and which they ever have possessed, so long they will fight. To prevent wars, then, the disposition must be changed; no remedy short of this, will be effectual. In proportion as nations are rude and unskilled in the art of war, will their military code be barbarous and unrelenting, their battles sanguinary, and their whole system of warfare, destructive. War, therefore, in such a case, becomes a far greater evil, than it does under an improved and refined system, where battles are won more by skill than by hard fighting, and the laws of war are proportionally ameliorated. What rational man, what friend of mankind, would be willing to exchange the present humane and refined system of warfare, for that practiced by an Attila, a Jenghis Khan, a Tamerlane, or a Mahomet, when hundreds of thousands fell in a single engagement, and when conquest and extermination were synonymous terms. On the principles of humanity, then, it appears to me that, so long as wars do exist, the military art should be improved and refined as much as possible; for, in proportion as this is done, battles will be less sanguinary and destructive, the whole system more humane, and war itself a far less evil. But independent of any connection with the profession of arms, or of any of the foregoing considerations, I consider a scientific knowledge of the military art, as constituting a very important part of the education of every individual engaged in the pursuit of useful knowledge, and this for many reasons; viz.:—
First. It is of great use in the reading of history, both ancient and modern.
A large portion of history is made up of accounts of military operations, descriptions of battles, sieges, &c. How, I would ask, is the reader to understand this part, if he be ignorant of the organization of armies, of the various systems of military tactics, of the science of fortification, and of the attack and defense of fortified places, both in ancient and modern times? Without such knowledge it is evident he derives, comparatively but little information from a large portion of what he reads.
Second. It is of great importance in the writing of history. I presume it will not be denied, that in order to write well on any subject, it must be understood. How, then, can the historian give a correct and intelligible account of a campaign, battle, or siege, who is not only unacquainted with the principles on which military operations are conducted, but is also ignorant of the technical language necessary for communicating his ideas intelligibly on the subject? This is the principal reason why, as it appears to me, the ancient historians were so much superior to the modern. Many of their best historical writers were military men. Some of them accomplished commanders. The account of military operations by such writers as Xenophon, Thucydides, Polybius and Cæsar, are perfectly clear and intelligible, whereas when attempted by the great body of modern historians, the most we can learn is, that a fortress was besieged and taken, or that a battle was fought and a victory won, but are left in entire ignorance of the principles on which the operations were conducted, or of the reasons why the results were as they were.
Third. It is essentially necessary for the legislator.
The military defense of our country is doubtless one of the most important trusts which is vested by the constitution in the general government, and it is a well known fact, that more money is drawn from the people and disbursed in the military, than in any other department of the government. Now as all must be done under the sanction of the law, I would beg leave to inquire, whether it be not of the greatest importance, that those who are to make such laws should be in every respect well prepared to legislate understandingly on the subject? That there has been, and still is, a want of information on this subject amongst the great body of the members of Congress, I think will be perfectly evident to any one who is competent, and will take the trouble to examine our military legislation since the conclusion of the Revolutionary war. I feel little hesitation in asserting, that from want of this information, more than from any other cause, as much money has been uselessly expended in our military department alone, as would cancel a large portion of the national debt.
Fourth. It is of great use to the traveler.
Suppose a young man, with the best education he can obtain at any of our colleges or universities, were to visit Europe, where the military constitutes the first class of the community, and where the fortifications constitute the most important appendages to nearly all the principal cities, how much does he observe, which he does not understand? If he attempt a description of the cities, he finds himself embarrassed for want of a knowledge of fortification. If he attempt an investigation of the principles and organization of their institutions, or of their governments, he finds the military so interwoven with them all, that they can not be thoroughly understood without it. In fine, he will return with far less information, than with the aid of a military education he might have derived. As it respects the military exercises, I would observe, that were they of no other use than in preserving the health of students, and confirming in them a good figure and manliness of deportment, I should consider these were ample reasons for introducing them into our seminaries generally; they are better calculated than any others for counteracting the natural habits of students, and can always be attended to, at such times as would otherwise be spent in idleness or useless amusements. Having expressed my views thus fully on this subject, I will next proceed to state more specifically the other branches which I would propose to introduce into a complete course of education: and—
1. The course of classical and scientific instruction should be as extensive and perfect as at our most approved institutions. The students should be earnestly enjoined and required to derive as much of useful information from the most approved authors, as their time and circumstances would permit.