The condition of the fort at the time of Abercrombie’s attack in 1758 is well represented by maps and plans. Cf. the plan of this date in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 721; and the French plan noted in the Catal. of the Library of Parliament (Toronto, 1858), p. 1621, no. 86. Bonnechose (Montcalm et le Canada, p. 91) gives a French plan, “Bataille de Carillon, d’après un Plan inédit de l’époque.” Jefferys engraved a Plan of town and fort of Carillon at Tyconderoga, with the attack made by the British army commanded by General Abercrombie, 8 July, 1758, which Jefferys later included in his General Topog. of North America and the West Indies, London, 1768, no. 38. Martin, De Montcalm en Canada, p. 128, follows Jefferys’ draft. Hough in his edition of Pouchot, p. 108, gives the plan of the attack as it appeared in Mante’s Hist. of the Late War, London, 1772, p. 144; and from this it is reproduced in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 726.
[1158] When Pitt heard of Abercrombie’s defeat he wrote to Grenville: “I own this news has sunk my spirits, and left very painful impressions on my mind, without, however, depriving me of great hopes for the remaining campaign.” Grenville Correspondence, i. 262.
[1159] Most of the writers, following Bancroft, call him Joseph Forbes; and Bancroft lets that name stand in his final revision.
[1160] This paper in fac-simile is in a volume called Monuments of Washington’s Patriotism (1841). A portion of it is reproduced, but not in fac-simile, in Sparks’ Washington, ii. 314.
[1161] Loyalhannon, Parkman; Loyal Hanna, Bancroft; Loyal Hannan, Irving; Loyal Hanning, Warburton.
[1162] The original MS. report of this conference appears in a sale catalogue of Bangs & Co., N. Y., 1854, no. 1309.
[1163] Speaking of Canada, John Fiske (Amer. Polit. Ideas, p. 55) says of the effect of the bureaucracy which governed it that it “was absolute paralysis, political and social,” and that in the war-struggle of the eighteenth century “the result for the French power in America was instant and irretrievable annihilation. The town meeting pitted against bureaucracy was like a Titan overthrowing a cripple;” but he forgets the history of that overthrow, its long-drawn-out warfare, the part that the vastly superior population and the interior lines and seaboard bases of supplies for the English played in the contest to intensify their power, and the jealousies and independence of the colonies themselves, which so long enabled the French to survive. Even as regards the results of the campaign of 1759, the suddenness had little of the inevitable in it, when we consider the leisurely campaign of Amherst, and the mere chance of Wolfe surmounting the path at the cove. It took the successes of these last campaigns to produce the fruits of conquest, even at the end of a long conflict.
[1164] A plan of Montresor’s for the campaign, dated N. Y., 29 Dec., 1758, is in Penna. Archives, vi. 433.
[1165] Fort Schlosser had been erected in 1750. Cf. O. H. Marshall on the “Niagara Frontier,” in Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ., ii. 409.
[1166] In August, Amherst was reporting sickness in his army from the water at Ticonderoga, and demanding spruce-beer of his commissary. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., v. 101.)