CAMPAIGN OF 1777.
From Galloway's Letters to a Nobleman, London, 1779. Key: A, the British army before the battle of Brandywine. B, Gen. Knyphausen's advance to the attack. C, Lord Cornwallis having turned the right wing of the rebel army. D, Sullivan advanced to oppose him. E, position of the rebel army. F, General Howe's quarters, in which he remained five days after the rebel defeat. a a a, Washington's retreat to Chester and Philadelphia. G, his camp at Chester, where he remained fourteen hours after the battle. The roads with the zigzag mark show those by which the rebels might have been intercepted after the battle. H, Washington's flight after the skirmish at Goshen. I, Washington's retreat when Sir Wm. Howe crossed the Schuylkill. K, Washington's camp, whence he marched to surprise the British army at Germantown, and to which he retreated after the battle. L, Washington's camp at Whitemarsh. (For his headquarters see Lossing's Field-Book, ii. 321, and his Mary and Martha Washington, p. 162.) M, the first position of the British. N, the second. O, O, O, where Washington's camp might have been attacked with advantage. P, British camp at Germantown. The line ——— denotes marches of the British army; the line of dots . . . . . . . . the marches of the rebel army. Q, Washington's lines at Valley Forge in the winter 1777. R, R, R, R, R, positions which might have been taken to besiege or assault the rebel quarters. S, the bridge. This map is also reproduced in The Evelyns in America, p. 252.
The principal contemporary engraved maps of this part of the country were the 1770 edition of Scull's Map of Pennsylvania (see Vol. V. p. 240), which was at this time included in the American Atlas (London, 1776), and the Atlas Amériquain (Paris, 1777), and Pownall's edition, 1776, of Evans's Map of the Middle Colonies (see Vol. V. p. 85), as well as Jefferys' edition, 1775, of the same, not so accurate. To these might be added Montresor's Province of New York and Pennsylvania, 1777; Mellish and Tanner's Seat of War in America; Faden's map of July 1, 1778, given in fac-simile in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., i. 285; the maps in the Gentleman's Mag., 1776 and 1777; Almon's Seat of War in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 1777. A modern map, covering the same field to illustrate the campaign, is given in Theodore W. Bean's Washington at Valley Forge one hundred years ago, and is repeated, with a few changes, in Proceedings at the Dedication of the Paoli Monument (Westchester, 1877). The contemporary French maps are Du Chesnoy's Théâtre de la Guerre, 1775-1778, Beaurain's Carte pour servir à l'intelligence de la guerre (Paris, 1777), Brion de la Tour's Théâtre de la Guerre (Paris, 1777), with another by Phelippeaux "pour servir de suite", and Bourgoin's Théâtre de la Guerre (Paris). There is a German map in the Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa. There is in the Maryland Hist. Soc. library a map of stage routes between Baltimore and New York, showing the operations of the British from Elk River (1777) to Neversink (1778). (Lewis Mayer's Catal. of MSS. etc., in Maryland Hist. Soc., 1854.)
Cf. also the maps in Sparks's Washington, v. 66; Moore's Diary of the Revolution, orig. ed., 495; Penna. Archives, 2d ser. vol. iii.; Moorsom's Fifty-second Regiment; Hamilton's Coldstream Guards; Carrington's Battles, p. 398.
George H. Moore laid before the N. Y. Hist. Soc., in June, 1859, the document in Lee's handwriting, dated March 29, 1777, while he was a prisoner in New York, in which he sketches a plan for Howe's guidance in the coming campaign. The "plan" in fac-simile, together with an elucidation of it, was printed in Moore's Treason of Charles Lee, New York, 1860. The "plan" is also in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1872, p. 361. Lee was at that time trying to induce Congress to send commissioners to New York to confer with him (Bancroft, ix. ch. 19), but Congress was not ensnared. Moore contends (p. 84) that the "plan" is responsible for Howe turning towards Philadelphia, instead of going north to help Burgoyne. Bancroft (ix. 333; also see p. 211) asserts that it could have had no influence on Howe's movements.[905]
Lecky quotes Galloway's testimony, that of the 66,000 men voted by Congress for this campaign, hardly 16,000 were in the field. Bancroft admits that no one better than Marshall (iii. ch. 3) has described the part of Washington in this campaign.[906]
At the opening of the campaign Washington was kept long in suspense as to the purpose of Howe. The eastern people feared his object was Boston.[907] Alexander Hamilton early in the season had become Washington's aide, and his letters at once begin to contain speculations on Howe's purpose (Works, Lodge's ed., vii. 481, 496, 500). On May 28th, Washington moved his headquarters from Morristown[908] to Middlebrook, and it was thought Howe would attempt to march direct for Philadelphia. On June 12th, Sullivan writes to Weare that Howe was to be confronted the next day (N. H. State Papers, viii. 584); and when it was known that Howe was retiring towards New York, Washington, June 23d, little credited a report, then prevalent, that the British army was panic-struck (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 138).[909] Cf., for all these movements, Montresor's Journal.