[2]. The three legal distinctions of Odal-rœd consisted of Rœdi, dispensatio rei œconomici; Eign, possessio; and Sœmd, honor, decus—the “Royth, Ayning, and Saming,” so common in Orkneyan titles, and so puzzling to legal Antiquaries.
The Odalsjord consisted of the Tun or Town-land with its Bol (Head Bull or principal farm), enclosed by its Tun-gardr (hill dyke), which separated its Garth (Infield) from its Sœttur or Hagi (out pasture or hill). Every enclosure from the Sœttur became a Qui (Quoy), which if encircled by an extension of the Tun-gardr, became a Tumale, or if again abandoned to pasture, became a Toft. It is doubtful if these later additions, the Quoy, Tumale and Toft, enjoyed at any time the same Odal immunities as the original possessions—the Tun, Bol and Garth; but there is not a doubt that the first Odaller occupied the Tun and used the Sœttur by the same Odal title, unwritten, unburdened, inalienable, and divisible equally among the Odal-born. In this division each Garth or Quoy might become the Head Bull of a new Odal, with the same Odal-ræd, a share of the Infield, and a proportionate right to the common Hagi or Sœttur, in which every intruder paid to the Tun a Haga-leyfi for leave to pasture. The union of several towns constituted a Hrepp or Tribe, with its local Court or Hreppa-stefn, the members being bound together as Hreppsmen or Skattbræder, sharing together the pasture of the Moar or Skatt-hald, and the Toll-ber-Skatt exacted from strangers; and a combination of such Hrepps or Skat-halds formed a Herad or Thing, which in time became a Parish. But equal and independent as they were, each secondary Odal retained a Suffragan regard for the primal Odalsjord, which gave name to the Tun, Hrepp or Scat-hald, and the Odaller of the Garth or Quoy respected and acknowledged in the Odaller of the Bol or Bu, the Hofding or Chief of the Hrepp and Skat-brethren, as naturally as the Tacksman and Bol-man felt their inferiority to both.
The Odaller owned no vassalage to King, Jarl, Lawman or Hofding, but with characteristic love of system, and deference to lawful authority, he yielded to each in his degree the obedience of a subject; not the personal devotion of the Celtic Clansman to his kindred Chief, but the federal subordination of a Gothic Friborinn to the Executive Presence of those Laws to which he himself had consented as a Thingman. He owed neither rent, duty, nor service for his Odalsjord, but as a subject and Thingman he was liable to various assessments for the public service. Of these the earliest and most important was the Skattr or Land Tax, first imposed by Harald Harfagr as a tribute from all the Occupied Lands of his kingdom or colonies, towards the expenses of the State and revenue of the King. Ledangr or Leangr, another Tax for public service and naval equipment, was paid in Shetland (where the people and customs have always been more purely Scandinavian), but not in Orkney. The Thing-för-kaup, the ancient fee of the Lawman for his duties at the Thing, and the Votn-tel, or fee of the Underfoud for telling the votes and summing up the evidence of the Vard-thing, were early assessments. But when or how the Odallers submitted to the imposition of Teinds is doubtful—probably when St. Rognvald established a fitting hierarchy for his new Cathedral in the twelfth century. The Skatt, Teynd, För-kaup, Votn-tel and Leangar, were the only payments exigible from the Odaller, though they severally became the foundation of every subsequent exaction. The denominational proportion was permanent, but the amount and form of payment was altered or augmented according to local circumstances. Though nominally valued in Marks, Ures or Pennies, the taxes of Zetland were paid in Wadmal, Oil or Fish, the produce of its Skathalds, rocks and seas, and those of Orkney in Butter from its pasture, with augmentations or commutations of Malt from its advancing culture, all weighed and measured by native standards of Norwegian origin, and apportioned by authority of the Thing according to the ancient valuation of Hacon the Fourth (1263), which has strangely subsisted for nearly six centuries without suggesting or affording to Crown or Donatary an opportunity of oppressing the Islanders profitably.
It would be difficult to trace each successive change in the condition of the Odallers, to tell how their Odals, impignorated to Torf-Einar Jarl for their share of the Mulct for the slaughter of Halfdan Halœg (930), were redeemed from Sigurd Jarl by their voluntary service in his Irish wars (1014); or how, by the gift of a mark for each ploughland to Jarl Rognvald’s stately Magnus-Kirk, they purchased an immunity from confiscation (1130), which they forfeited by rebellion against King Sverrer (1196). But Odal law and Odal influence declined more rapidly and continuously with every succeeding race of Scottish Jarls, as each Athol, Angus, Strathern and Sinclair, came attended by clansmen and dependants, the ready tools of the fraud or violence of their chief; as Scottish Bishops followed to the prey, lawyers rather than divines, willing to instruct brute force with clerkly subtilty, and skilled in the devil’s logic to warp even the Divine law into oppression. Even the Lawman, once guardian of the common liberties, and still expounder of the Book of the Laws, was generally some Scottish settler, some Cragy, Hall or Irving, owners of Odal land, but not by Odal-ræd—who, ignorant of Odal law, misinterpreted its principles, and misapplied its terms according to Scottish ideas, and introduced written deeds and Scottish forms, in feudal distrust of an undocumented title. Under such combined influences of ignorance and interest, every generation saw some principle modified, some right invaded. Thus each distribution of Odal heritage came to need the sanction of a Shynd or Doom of Erffd from the Thing and Underfoud, equivalent to a Scottish service, and instead of an equal share, the eldest son claimed the Head Bu, and each daughter was restricted to half a son’s portion. The rights once inalienable from the Odal-born, became the subject of Impignoration, of Forfeiture, of Donation to the Church, and of Alienation on the ground or legal fiction that the Odaller was too poor to retain, or the Odal-born to redeem them. The legal term of Redemption was gradually shortened, and its conditions made more stringent, till finally a modification of the Shynd-bill in presence of the Thing was alone necessary to legalize the purchase, sale, and transference, of almost every Odal right, to evade the claims of the Odal-born, and to give to the Scottish purchaser the un-odal security of a written title in his own language—a combined form of Disposition and Sasine.
Six centuries of Odal sub-division had minutely intermingled the lands, rights, and privileges of every Townland. At each succession the Odalsjord was shared among the Odal-born, male and female—the Jarl claimed for himself or for the Crown all lands forfeited and unredeemed, and seized as ultimus hæres every inheritance lapsed or unclaimed—the Bishop asserted the Church’s rights to the gifts of the pious, a share of the forfeits of the guilty, the teinds of all, and the corban perpetuity of every indulgence once permitted to a Churchman—and Scottish settlers claimed Odal lands and Odal rights by descent, affinity, or purchase. Thus the Odalsjords and their vague and customary pertinents were mixed in alternate patches, ridges or furrows, not only with other Odals, but with the claims of Jarl, Bishop or settler, as undefined, but more arbitrarily expansive. Even before the Odallers’ final change of masters, two centuries of such foreign and native influence had prepared the way for such a revolution, by modifying his privileges, altering his customs, and effacing much even of his own memory of their origin and traditions. But his spirit was still unbroken, he was still a Thingman, his order was still that of the Gofugar and Gœdingar of the Sagas, the proceres communitatis, whose wealth and influence pointed them out as the mark of the oppressor. Their Odal lands, pertinents and immunities, were still the field whence lawless power could reap a golden harvest, and more than a century of Scottish oppression was still required to level the Peasant Noble of Orkney with the Tacksman or Husbandman of the Earldom or Bishopric.
The only class which remains to be noticed as interested in the change of sovereignty, is the Unfree—that large body possessing personal freedom (for slavery had gone out with the Vikings) but no political rights as Thingmen—the Tenants of the King, Jarl, Bishop or larger Odallers. These were either Bolmen, tenants at will, or Leigu-men, by tack or assedation, paying to the proprietor a Landskylld, land mail or rent, and Eysetter and Landsetter-kaup, or its Scottish equivalent of grassum, on each renewal of their tack—with all the other burdens of Skatt, teind, &c., sometimes besides, sometimes included in their land mail of money, grain, butter or live-stock, and certain prædial and personal services of mills, peats, furing or ferrying, &c., mostly of Scottish origin, and exigible according to the caprice or wants of their master.
Such were the condition and powers of Thing and Thingmen—such the land rights of King, Jarl, Bishop and Odaller, at the date of the Impignoration; and when Christian (28th May 1469) addressed a letter to the Communities of Orkney and Zetland, desiring them to pay obedience and Skatt to the King of Scots till redeemed by the King of Norway, he no doubt intended, and his subjects hoped, that it was but a temporary transfer of the sovereignty of the Islands, to return to his Crown unblemished and unchanged, like his often pawned metropolis. But the Scottish Government entertained very different views of the nature and duration of its rights and powers; and from the first, no resource of law or chicane was left untried to fortify and perpetuate its defective and redeemable title. By a series of transactions (from 17th September 1470 to 16th May 1471), the Crown in exchange of certain lands in Fife, and a pension of 40 merks, acquired from Earl William an irredeemable title to the Earldom estate, and jus Comitatus Orchadie—an Act of Parliament annexed to the Crown the “Erledome of Orknay and Lordship of Schetland, nocht to be gevin away in time to cum to na persain or persainis, excep alenarily to ane of the kingis sonnis of lauchful bed” (20th February 1471), and the Archbishop of St. Andrews was despatched to Rome, to invoke the solemn benediction of Pope Innocent VIII. on the Impignoration and subsequent transactions, as the seal of Heaven’s sanction upon the completed Revolution.
It is a strange ingratitude in Britain to abjure the Jurisdiction of the Pope; while so many of her original titles rest solely on his authority—improved perhaps by force, as in Wales—by fraud, as in Orkney—or by a happy combination of both, as in Ireland.
The Scottish Crown had now a Redeemable title to the Sovereignty of the Islands with the Skatts, Fines, Forfeits, and Jurisdictions of the Kings of Norway under Wadset, for a principal of £24,166, 13s. 4d., and subject of course to a Count and Reckoning for its intromissions, which would show how soon and how often that sum has been paid—principal and interest—by the Revenue drawn from the Islanders. It had also acquired an Absolute and Irredeemable Property in the lands, males, and services of the Earldom; but to the lands of the Bishop or Odallers it had no other pretentions than those included or implied in the rights of Sovereignty. To extend over these free domains the claims of Superiority or Property, to confound the titles Redeemable and Irredeemable, and to frustrate the power of Redemption by effacing all distinctive laws, customs and tenures, required time, patience and adroitness in invading rights and evading claims; and the gradual substitution of feudal for odal law, and the degradation of the Scandinavian Countries of Orkney and Zetland to a Scottish County and Lordship, was the stealthy process of the next century and a half.
The absorption of the Bishopric and Kirklands (commenced without a shadow of title, and in the infancy of public opinion) has been so slow, silent and serpentine, that their final assimilation as British property is an act of the present reign. The first advance bore the harmless form of a courteous recognition of the Bishop’s rights by his new Sovereign, in a charter of Regality (10th October 1490). The assumption of a concurrent sanction of the Norwegian presentee of the Kirklands (1491–2), was followed by the sole presentation (under Papal Sanction) of a Commendator and Successor to the Bishop (8th April 1498), and shortly afterward by the defiant appointment of an Archdean of Zetland, with a protest against “the temerity and presumption” of the Danish Presentee (8th January 1501–2), and in the civil feuds which long shook the Norwegian throne the Scottish Patronage of the See of Orkney was thenceforth undisputed. The right to dispose of the Church rents during a vacancy (2nd March 1559), and to confirm the Feu Charters of Church lands (1560), flowed naturally from the Charter of Regality; the Act of Annexation (29th July 1587) seemed a necessary precaution against the rapid spoliation of the Church; and the Excambion of Earldom and Bishopric (4th October 1614), was too obviously beneficial to both to look like usurpation. During the convulsions of Church and State in the seventeenth Century, the Bishopric was repeatedly applied to secular uses; but the final act of appropriation was that which established Presbytery (22nd July 1689); the Church lands were vested in the Scottish Exchequer, and ultimately transferred to the British Board of Woods and Forests, by whom, in Imperial contempt of all nationalities, Scandinavian or Scottish, the Orkney Bishopric has been sold (1854–56), and the price expended in the adornment and luxury of London.