[Note 16], [p. 150].—At the time Cobden was speaking it was the custom, whenever there was a “division,” for those in opposition to the motion to go out into the “lobby,” and for those favoring the motion to remain in the House. The official count was then made by two sets of tellers. At the present time, both the “Ayes” and “Noes” go into lobbies, the “ayes” to the left of the speaker, the “noes” to the right.
[Note 17], [p. 150].—The repealing bill, it will be remembered, finally passed the House of Lords June 26, 1846. It was not the report, however, but what Sir Robert Peel called “the cogency of events,” that hastened the final action.
[Note 18], [p. 161].—During the whole of Walpole’s career he held the views here attributed to him. But his love of office was greater than his love of peace. When, therefore, the nation clamored for war with Spain, he declared war, though, as Lord Mahon says: “No man had a clearer view of the impending mischief and misery.” The same historian writes that when the bells from every steeple in the city proclaimed the satisfaction of the people over the declaration of war, Walpole remarked: “They may ring the bells now; before long they will be wringing their hands.” Walpole knew that the country was utterly without preparation for war; and yet rather than lose his place, he was willing to be the instrument of immeasurable mischief and misery. When the disasters of the war came on, the Opposition forced the responsibility of it on the Prime-Minister, and drove him from power in 1742.
[Note 19], [p. 163].—The speech of Sir Robert Peel here referred to was a part of a memorable debate in June, 1850, on what is known as the “Don Pacifico Affair.” Don Pacifico was a Jew born at Gibraltar (and therefore an English subject), who settled in Athens. In a riot his house was assailed and its furniture destroyed. His claim was presented to the English officials, who at once demanded £500 damages for Don Pacifico. After some delays the English brought a man-of-war from Constantinople, blockaded the harbor of Athens, and declined to allow any vessel to depart till the claim was settled. The French and Russian governments were thrown into considerable excitement, and the French ambassador left the English court. A resolution of censure was introduced into the House of Lords, and was carried by a majority of thirty-seven. In the House of Commons, however, matters took a different turn. Mr. Roebuck introduced a resolution of general approval of the foreign policy of the government, intended, of course, to give the government a better chance to escape the downfall that seemed impending. Lord Palmerston, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, defended the government in a speech of extraordinary power, extending, as Mr. Gladstone said, “from the dusk of one day till the dawn of the next.” The opponents claimed that Don Pacifico should have sought redress in the Greek courts, while Palmerston claimed that the condition of the Greek courts was such as to make a judicial appeal simply a mockery. The debate extended over four nights, closing with the speech of Peel in opposition to the government. The resolution of approval was carried by a majority of forty-six. The Don Pacifico case was finally submitted to French commissioners, by whom the amount of damages was fixed. The speech of Peel was memorable for its pacific and judicial tone, as well as for the fact that it was delivered only a few hours before the accident from which he died on the 2d of July. See Peel’s “Speeches,” vol. iv.; Hansard’s “Debates” for 1850, and “Ann. Reg.,” xcii., 57–88; Phillimore, “Int. Law,” iii., 76.
[Note 20], [p. 167].—The important assertion here made can hardly be successfully disputed, though there are many who would be reluctant to admit its truth. The modern Tories, with Disraeli at their head, have held that the reform of 1832 tended still further to weaken the masses of the people. This position, fully elaborated and defended in Disraeli’s “Defence of the Constitution,” his “Life of Lord George Bentinck,” and his speech introducing the Reform Bill of 1867, is touched upon briefly also in the same orator’s speech on “Conservative Principles” given below. The question is elaborately considered in the first two chapters of Lecky’s “History of England.”
[Note 21], [p. 168].—This must be regarded as mere conjecture, though stated as a fact. Even the formidable alliances against Louis XIV. in the War of the Spanish Succession were not able to prevent the French king from keeping his heir upon the Spanish throne. If the Bourbons, in spite of the allied armies with Marlborough at their head, were able to hold their position, they would hardly have done less if England had not interfered. To say that a union of the crowns “would have been impossible in the nature of things,” is to presume that the line of succession must have been just what it was. But this, of course, could not have been foreseen. If a disturbance of the balance of power ever justifies war, it did so in the case of the War of the Spanish Succession.
[Note 22], [p. 168].—This statement is not quite correct. The English Plenipotentiaries at Vienna were Lord Castelreagh and Lord Wellington. Castelreagh died in 1822 and Wellington in 1852; whereas the alliance between the governments of England and France to prevent the aggressions of Russia did not occur till August, 1853. On the 12th of August Lord Aberdeen declared that the four great powers, England, France, Austria, and Prussia, were acting cordially together; but on the 20th of the same month Lord Clarendon announced that an offensive alliance had been formed between England and France. It was this alliance which made all further efforts in behalf of peace hopeless. It was the opinion not only of Cobden and Bright, but also of Disraeli and of the Tories generally, that the act which made the war inevitable was the abandonment of Austria and Prussia and the formation of this alliance with France. Such is also the opinion of Mr. Kinglake. See Hansard’s “Debates,” cxxix., 1424, 1768, and 1826; also Kinglake’s “Crimean War,” passim.
[Note 23], [p. 169].—The so-called doctrine of the “balance of power,” whatever may be said against it, has been generally held by Europe ever since it was so energetically advocated by Henry IV., of France, at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The doctrine may be said to exercise the functions of a general European police to prevent any inequitable disturbance of territorial limits. It is difficult to see what but that doctrine could have prevented France under Napoleon from getting and holding two thirds of Europe; what would have prevented Russia long since from destroying Turkey; indeed what would prevent the strongest power from ultimately absorbing the whole. It did not prevent the destruction of Poland, partly because there was a general conviction that Poland was hardly worth saving, and partly because the partitioning powers were so strong as to make interference at least a very costly operation. These facts are enough to show that there is a very important other side to Mr. Bright’s attractive doctrine of non-interference. The question is not simply whether Europe has been made better, but also whether she has not been prevented from being made worse.
[Note 24], [p. 171].—The orator might also have said that the English people have very largely given up all desire that the national debt should be paid off. It affords a convenient investment, which restrains an undue inclination to speculation and affords a steady and certain income to vast numbers of the people. Its payment would create a disturbance which no English minister would venture to advocate.
[Note 25], [p. 172].—This statement is undoubtedly true; and yet it can hardly be denied that the course taken by England in the Napoleonic wars added very greatly to the importance of England as a power. A little later, Mr. Bright objects to the policy pursued, because “it is impossible that we can gain one single atom of advantage for this country.” His opponents would claim that England has gained immense advantages from the very influence she has acquired, and as shown by the very examples given by the orator. They would probably also say that no other class gained so much as the manufacturers, the very class to which Mr. Bright belonged.