By many excellent judges Canning is regarded as one of the foremost of English orators. Brougham speaks of him in terms of almost the highest praise, and so judicious a critic as Sir James Mackintosh says that “Mr. Canning seems to have been the best model among our orators of the adorned style. In some qualities,” he continues, “Mr. Canning surpassed Mr. Pitt. His diction was more various—sometimes more simple—more idiomatical, even in its more elevated parts. It sparkled with imagery, and was brightened by illustration, in both of which Mr. Pitt, for so great an orator, was defective. Had he been a dry and meagre speaker, Mr. Canning would have been universally allowed to have been one of the greatest masters of argument; but his hearers were so dazzled by the splendor of his diction that they did not perceive the acuteness and the occasional excessive refinement of his reasoning; a consequence which, as it shows the injurious effects of a seductive fault, can with the less justness be overlooked in the estimate of his understanding.”
GEORGE CANNING.
ON THE POLICY OF GRANTING AID TO PORTUGAL
WHEN INVADED BY SPAIN; HOUSE OF COMMONS,
DECEMBER 12, 1826.
When Mr. Canning was Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1826, a body of Absolutists attempted to destroy the existing Portuguese Government, which had been founded on the basis of a liberal constitution, and had been acknowledged by England, France, Austria, and Russia. This government was obnoxious to Ferdinand, King of Spain; and, accordingly, supported by the sympathy of Austria and Russia, as well as by the active assistance of Spain, the Portuguese Absolutists organized a military expedition on Spanish soil for the overthrow of the Portuguese Government. Portugal asked for the protection of England. Five thousand troops were instantly ordered to Lisbon. This action was in strict accordance with what is sometimes known as “Mr. Canning’s Foreign Policy,”—that of allowing every nation to manage its own internal affairs, and of allowing no interference with the smaller nations by the larger.
The following speech in explanation of his reasons for prompt action is the masterpiece of his eloquence.
Mr. Speaker:
In proposing to the House of Commons to acknowledge, by an humble and dutiful address, his Majesty’s most gracious message, and to reply to it in terms which will be, in effect, an echo of the sentiments and a fulfilment of the anticipations of that message, I feel that, however confident I may be in the justice, and however clear as to the policy of the measures therein announced, it becomes me, as a British minister, recommending to Parliament any step which may approximate this country even to the hazard of a war, while I explain the grounds of that proposal, to accompany my explanation with expressions of regret.
I can assure the House, that there is not within its walls any set of men more deeply convinced than his Majesty’s ministers—nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has now the honor of addressing you—of the vital importance of the continuance of peace to this country and to the world. So strongly am I impressed with this opinion—and for reasons of which I will put the House more fully in possession before I sit down—that I declare there is no question of doubtful or controverted policy—no opportunity of present national advantage—no precaution against remote difficulty—which I would not gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn, rather than call on Parliament to sanction, at this moment, any measure which had a tendency to involve the country in war. But, at the same time, sir, I feel that which has been felt, in the best times of English history, by the best statesmen of this country, and by the Parliaments by whom those statesmen were supported—I feel that there are two causes, and but two causes, which can not be either compromised, passed over, or adjourned. These causes are: adherence to the national faith, and regard for the national honor.
Sir, if I did not consider both these causes as involved in the proposition which I have this day to make to you, I should not address the House, as I now do, in the full and entire confidence that the gracious communication of his Majesty will be met by the House with the concurrence of which his Majesty has declared his expectation.
In order to bring the matter which I have to submit to you, under the cognizance of the House, in the shortest and clearest manner, I beg leave to state it, in the first instance, divested of any collateral considerations. It is a case of law and of fact: of national law on the one hand, and of notorious fact on the other; such as it must be, in my opinion as impossible for Parliament, as it was for the government, to regard in any but one light, or to come to any but one conclusion upon it.
Among the alliances by which, at different periods of our history, this country has been connected with the other nations of Europe, none is so ancient in origin, and so precise in obligation—none has continued so long, and been observed so faithfully—of none is the memory so intimately interwoven with the most brilliant records of our triumphs, as that by which Great Britain is connected with Portugal. It dates back to distant centuries; it has survived an endless variety of fortunes. Anterior in existence to the accession of the House of Braganza to the throne of Portugal—it derived, however, fresh vigor from that event; and never from that epoch to the present hour, has the independent monarchy of Portugal ceased to be nurtured by the friendship of Great Britain. This alliance has never been seriously interrupted; but it has been renewed by repeated sanctions. It has been maintained under difficulties by which the fidelity of other alliances was shaken, and has been vindicated in fields of blood and of glory.