The following observations will, I think, fix the limits as 1590-1591. Ida's lines, 270-279 in Act I., beginning "And weele I wot, I heard a shepheard sing,"[1213] are a reminiscence of the Heard-groome wᵗ his strawberrie lasse in Peele's Hunting of Cupid: "What thing is love? for (wel I wot) love is a thing," etc.[1214] Notice the recurrence in Drummond's version of the "weele I wot." The "shepheard" to whom Ida has reference is, of course, one of the swains of the Hunting, or Peele himself. The Hunting was not registered for printing till July 26, 1591; but then with the proviso "that if it be hurtful to any other copy before licensed ... this to be void." The proviso was frequently mere form, but it suggests that Greene may have drawn the verses from a manuscript copy, or from the public performance before July 26, 1591. I do not think that the Hunting was written very long before it was registered, because the atmosphere and phraseology are still fresh in Peele's mind when he writes his Descensus Astrææ, October, 1591. But it is interesting to note that there occurs a premonition or echo of these same verses on Love in Greene's Mourning Garment,[1215] which had been registered in 1590, from eight to twelve months before the registration of the Hunting. We may, with reasonable latitude, assign the composition of the Hunting to the year 1590, and that of James IV. to a later date in proximity to that of Greene's Mourning Garment—say about July, 1590. Confirmation of this conclusion may be found in other resemblances of sentiment and style between James IV. and the Mourning Garment,[1216] as well as in Dorothea's reference to the Irish wars, which may have been suggested by the contemporary rising in Fermanagh; for, since the suppression of Desmond, in 1583, there had been comparative quiet in Ireland. Though the play exhibits little of the affected style which Elizabeth demanded, it is courtly, and the graceful compliment to the queen and the (English) rose in the laudation of Dorothea's attributes, together with that heroine's forecast of a union between Scotland and England,[1217] might indicate a view to court presentation, and a date of composition when such union was favourably contemplated. The further boast of Dorothea:—
"Shall never Frenchman say an English maid
Of threats of forraine force will be afraid,"[1218]
was doubtless intended for the ear of the virgin queen, who, in 1590 and 1591, was busily landing forces in France to thwart the schemes of her implacable enemies, the Guises. This play may, therefore, have been presented by Greene's company, at court, on December 26, 1590, or as one of their five performances during 1591.
The moral atmosphere is that of the penitential pamphlets; while the pictures of roguery coincide with those of the conycatching series. The portrayal of character is that of a mature dramatist; the plot is more skilfully manipulated than in Friar Bacon, and covers a larger canvas; but, though it smacks of the folk, it has hardly the simple domestic interest of that drama. Still, Ward calls it the happiest, Brown the most perfect, of Greene's plays; in fact, "the finest Elizabethan historical play outside of Shakespeare."
The versification of James IV. gives proof of a mature quality of experimentation. Because rhyme prevails, Collier assigned the play to Greene's earlier period; but the criterion is inconclusive. Though Greene conformed to the blank verse fashion as early as 1588, he made it clear, at the time, that he was no convert.[1219] And, while in 1590-91 he recognizes the merits of a richer and more varied rhythm, he is not yet convinced that rhyme should be abandoned; in tender and gently romantic passages he counts it utile as well as dulce. Some of the scenes in which Ida and the queen figure are, accordingly, almost altogether rhymed. The rhythmical movement is, however, no less liberal than in Orlando and Bacon; the proportion of monotone and penthimimeral is as low; and as many as fifty per cent of the cæsuræ are lyrical. Fully one-quarter of the play is in prose.
Having a regard only to the unquestioned plays of Greene, we notice that his employment of dramatic prose dates from the association with Lodge in the Looking-Glasse; that his renunciation of rhyme was short-lived, and that its resumption did not hamper the freedom of rhythmical movement. In none of the later plays, however, is the verse so elastic as in his own dramatic portions of the Looking-Glasse. And there the mobility was probably due to a desire for contrast with the prophetic monologues.
Attributions.—Various other plays have, in whole or in part, been assigned to Greene; A History of Jobe,[1220] not extant; part of The Troublesome Raigne of King John,[2] and of the First and Second Parts of Henry VI.;[1221] Fair Emm[1222] (with no show of reason), and others mentioned by Dyce; Titus Andronicus;[1223] The Pinner of Wakefield, Selimus, and A Knack to Know a Knave.[1224] We can consider only the last three.
1. The earliest extant exemplar of George-a-Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield is in the Duke of Devonshire's library. The author's name does not appear. But the printer, publisher, year, vignette, and motto (Aut nunc aut nunquam) are the same as on the title-page of the 1599 Orlando; and the same printer, Burbye, had, in 1592, published other works of Greene: the Third Part of Conny-Catching and The Repentance. These items do not, however, prove anything concerning the identity of the author. The play was entered to Burbye, April 1, 1595. We learn from the title-page that the Sussex company acted it; and Henslowe records five of these performances between December 29, 1593, and January 22, 1594. But, though the Sussex men soon afterwards twice assisted Greene's former company in the presentation of Friar Bacon, they do not seem at this, or any previous period, to have owned any of the unquestioned plays of Robert Greene. Henslowe does not mark this one 'new,' and the dramatic contents give no indication of its date, save that one of the dramatis personæ refers to Tamberlaine.[1225] No light is thrown upon the authorship by contemporary publications; and, as late as Kirkman's Catalogue, 1661, the play was still anonymous. It has been assigned to Greene on the manuscript evidence which has already been shown to be inconclusive.[1226] In the last resort our decision must depend upon the detection of Greenian characteristics. Dr. Ward has observed that the play possesses "one of Greene's most attractive notes,—a native English freshness of colouring,"—glimpses of which may also be had in Friar Bacon and James IV. This is true. The representation of the characters, manners, and speech of the middle and lower classes is such as might have contributed to Chettle's estimate of the dramatist,—"the only comedian of a vulgar writer in this country."[1227] In the "plotting," also, of the play, no ordinary skill is evinced, and that is the "quality," says Nashe, wherein Greene was master of his craft.[1228] The material is a popular story, like the material of Friar Bacon. One of the incidents, indeed, existed not only in the popular story, but in the experience of Robert Greene as well.[1229] The rhetorical style here and there affords an inkling of this "very supporter" of native comedy: a word that seems to be his,[1230] a phrase or trick of the tongue,[1231] a figure or two,[1232] occasionally a bejewelled verse,[1233] and once, at least, a sentiment,—
"The sweet content of men that live in love