[67] Commentaries, Vol. IV, 151-152.
[68] Justice Frankfurter in Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494, 521-522 (1951).
[69] Ibid. 524; citing Robertson v. Baldwin, 165 U.S. 275, 281 (1897).
[70] Ibid. 524; citing Gompers v. United States, 233 U.S. 604, 610 (1914).
"While the courts have from an early date taken a hand in crystallizing American conceptions of freedom of speech and press into law, it is scarcely in the manner or to the extent which they are frequently assumed to have done. The great initial problem in this realm of constitutional liberty was to get rid of the common law of 'seditious libel' which operated to put persons in authority beyond the reach of public criticism. The first step in this direction was taken in the famous, or infamous, Sedition Act of 1798, which admitted the defense of truth in prosecution brought under it, and submitted the general issue of defendant's guilt to the jury. But the substantive doctrine of 'seditious libel' the Act of 1798 still retained, a circumstance which put several critics of President Adams in jail, and thereby considerably aided Jefferson's election as President in 1800. Once in office, nevertheless, Jefferson himself appealed to the discredited principle against partisan critics. Writing his friend Governor McKean of Pennsylvania in 1803 anent such critics, Jefferson said: 'The federalists having failed in destroying freedom of the press by their gag-law, seem to have attacked in an opposite direction; that is by pushing its licentiousness and its lying to such a degree of prostitution as to deprive it of all credit. * * * This is a dangerous state of things, and the press ought to be restored to its credibility if possible. The restraints provided by the laws of the States are sufficient for this, if applied. And I have, therefore, long thought that a few prosecutions of the most prominent offenders would have a wholesome effect in restoring the integrity of the presses. Not a general prosecution, for that would look like persecution; but a selected one.' Works (Ford ed., 1905), IX 451-52.
"In the Memorial Edition of Jefferson's works this letter is not included; nor apparently was it known to the Honorable Josephus Daniels, whose enthusiastic introduction to one of these volumes makes Jefferson out to have been the father of freedom of speech and press in this country, if not throughout the world. The sober truth is that it was that archenemy of Jefferson and of democracy, Alexander Hamilton, who made the greatest single contribution toward rescuing this particular freedom as a political weapon from the coils and toils of the common law, and that in connection with one of Jefferson's 'selected prosecutions.' I refer to Hamilton's many-times quoted formula in the Croswell case in 1804: 'The liberty of the press is the right to publish with impunity, truth, with good motives, for justifiable ends though reflecting on government, magistracy, or individuals.' People v. Croswell, 3 Johns (NY) 337. Equipped with this brocard our State courts working in co-operation with juries, whose attitude usually reflected the robustiousness of American political discussion before the Civil War, gradually wrote into the common law of the States the principle of 'qualified privilege,' which is a notification to plaintiffs in libel suits that if they are unlucky enough to be officeholders or office seekers, they must be prepared to shoulder the almost impossible burden of showing defendant's 'special malice.' Cooley, Constitutional Limitations, Chap. XII: Samuel A. Dawson, Freedom of the Press, A Study of the Doctrine of 'Qualified Privilege' (Columbia Univ. Press, 1924)." Edward S. Corwin, Liberty Against Government. 157-159 fn. (L.S.U. Press, 1948).
[71] Patterson v. Colorado, 205 U.S. 454, 462 (1907).
[72] Ibid. 461
[73] Prudential Ins. Co. v. Cheek, 259 U.S. 530, 543 (1922).
[74] Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1919); and see [below].