Exercising the authority conferred by section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress has expressly forbidden the exclusion of any citizen from service as a grand or petit juror in any federal or State court, on the ground of race or color.[1205] Jury commissioners are under the duty "not to pursue a course of conduct in the administration of their office which would operate to discriminate in the selection of jurors on racial grounds."[1206] An accused does not, however, have a legal right to a jury composed in whole or in part of members of his own race.[1207] Mere inequality in the numbers of persons selected from different races is not conclusive; discrimination is unlawful only if it is purposeful and systematic.[1208] But where it appeared that no Negro had served on a grand or petit jury for thirty years in a county in which 35 per cent of the adult population was colored, the inference of systematic exclusion was not repelled by a showing that few Negroes fulfilled the requirement that a juror must be a qualified elector.[1209]
To what extent, if at all, the equal protection clause prevents the exclusion from jury service of any class of persons on any basis other than race or color is a still unsettled problem of constitutional interpretation. The selection of jurors may be confined to males, to citizens, to qualified electors, to persons within certain ages, or to persons having prescribed educational qualifications.[1210] Certain occupational groups, such as lawyers, preachers, ministers, doctors, dentists, and engineers and firemen of railroad trains may be excluded from jury service.[1211] An issue of even greater consequence is raised by differentiation in the qualifications of persons selected to try different kinds of cases. This was the question on which the Supreme Court divided five to four in Fay v. New York[1212] where it upheld a conviction by a "blue ribbon" jury. In that case defendants, officials of certain labor unions, were convicted of extortion, by collecting large sums from contractors for assisting them in avoiding labor troubles. From a "blue ribbon" jury certain categories of persons qualified for ordinary jury duty are excluded; and on this ground defendants claimed that in being tried by such a jury they had been denied "equal protection of the law" and deprived of "due process of law," but especially the former, alleging that such juries had a higher record of conviction than ordinary juries and that their sympathies were "conservative." The Court, speaking by Justice Jackson, answered that "a state is not required to try all offenses to the same forum," but conceded that "a discretion, even if vested in the court, to shunt a defendant before a jury so chosen as greatly to lessen his chances while others accused of a like offense are tried by a jury so drawn as to be more favorable to them, would hardly be 'equal protection of the laws.'"[1213] However, he asserted that the New York statute authorizing "blue ribbon" juries "does not exclude, or authorize the clerk to exclude, any person or class because of race, creed, color or occupation. It imposes no qualification of an economic nature beyond that imposed by the concededly valid general panel statute. Each of the grounds of elimination is reasonably and closely related to the juror's suitability for the kind of service the special panel requires or to his fitness to judge the kind of cases for which it is most frequently utilized. Not all of the grounds of elimination would appear relevant to the issues of the present case. But we know of no right of defendants to have a specially constituted panel which would include all persons who might be fitted to hear their particular and unique case."[1214] He held further that defendants had failed to shoulder the necessary burden of proof in support of their allegations of discrimination, and added: "At most, the proof shows lack of proportional representation and there is an utter deficiency of proof that this was the result of a purpose to discriminate against this group as such. The uncontradicted evidence is that no person was excluded because of his occupation or economic status. All were subjected to the same tests of intelligence, citizenship and understanding of English. The state's right to apply these tests is not open to doubt even though they disqualify, especially in the conditions that prevail in New York, a disproportionate number of manual workers. A fair application of literacy, intelligence and other tests would hardly act with proportional equality on all levels of life. The most that the evidence does is to raise, rather than answer, the question whether there was an unlawful disproportionate representation of lower income groups on the special jury."[1215] Then, as to the due process clause, he pointed out that the jury had had a long and varied history in the course of which it has assumed many forms, and that for that matter the Court "* * * has construed it to be inherent in the independent concept of due process that condemnation shall be rendered only after a trial, in which the hearing is a real one, not a sham or pretense. * * * Trial must be held before a tribunal not biased by interest in the event. * * * Undoubtedly a system of exclusions could be so manipulated as to call a jury before which defendants would have so little chance of a decision on the evidence that it would constitute a denial of due process. A verdict on the evidence, however, is all an accused can claim; he is not entitled to a set-up that will give a chance of escape after he is properly proven guilty. Society also has a right to a fair trial. The defendant's right is a neutral jury. He has no constitutional right to friends on the jury."[1216]
APPORTIONMENT OF REPRESENTATION
Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.
In General
The effect of this section in relation to Negroes was indicated in Elk v. Wilkins.[1217] "Slavery having been abolished, and the persons formerly held as slaves made citizens, this clause fixing the apportionment of representatives has abrogated so much of * * * [Article I, § 2, cl. 3] of the * * * original Constitution as counted only three-fifths of such persons."
"Indians Not Taxed"
Although one authority on the legal status of the American Indian observed that this "* * * phrase [was] never * * * more explicitly defined, but probably * * * [meant] * * * Indians resident on reservations, that is, on land not taxed by the States,"[1218] the United States Attorney General, in 1940, commented as follows upon the difficulty of arriving at any satisfactory construction of these words: "Whether the phrase 'Indians not taxed' refers (1) to Indians not actually paying taxes or only to those who are not subject to taxation and (2) to Indians not taxed or subject to taxation by any taxing authority or only to those not taxed or subject to taxation by the States in which they reside * * * [presents] questions * * * [which have] been discussed in a number of court decisions but the issue has never been squarely raised in any of the decided cases. Some of the cases and some statements appearing in the debates in the Constitutional Convention lend support to the view that since all Indians are now subject to the Federal income-tax laws [Superintendent v. Commissioner, 295 U.S. 418 (1935)] there are no longer any Indians not taxed within the meaning of the constitutional phrase. On the other hand, other decided cases and other statements appearing in the debates in the Convention equally support the contrary view. * * *, the answer to * * * [these questions] is not free from doubt."[1219]