This premised in general, we shall easily and apace satisfy the particular scruples and queries as I go.

1. Scruple. The most part that swear this covenant are in a great degree, if not totally, ignorant what the rights and privileges of the parliament, and the liberties of the kingdoms are, and how can they then swear to maintain they know not what?

1. By the same argument no man, or very few, might lawfully swear to maintain the king's prerogatives in the paths of allegiance and supremacy; nor the king himself swear to maintain the liberties of the subject, as he doth in his oath at his coronation. 2. But there is hardly any person so ignorant but knows there are privileges belonging to the parliaments, and liberties belonging to the subject. 3. And that it is the duty of every subject, according to his place and power, to maintain these; so that, in taking of this covenant, we swear to do no more than our duty binds us to; in which there is no danger, tho' we do not in every point know how far that duty extends in every branch and several thereof. 4. In swearing to do my duty, whether to God or man, if I be ignorant of many particulars, I oblige myself to these two things. 1. To use the best means to inform myself of the particulars. 2. To conform myself to what I am informed to be my duty. Which yet, in the case in hand, doth admit of a further latitude, namely, that which lies in the very word and letter of this article (as in most of the rest) in our several vocations; which doth not bind every one to the same degree of knowledge, nor the same way of preservation: as for example, I do not conceive every magistrate is bound to know so much, no, nor to endeavour to know so much, as parliament-men; nor every member of parliament so much as judges; nor ministers so much as the lawyers; nor ordinary people so much as ministers; nor servants so much as masters; nor all to preserve them the same way; parliament-men by demanding them, lawyers by pleading, judges by giving the sense and mind of the law, ministers by preaching, magistrates by defending, people by assisting, praying, yielding obedience. All, if the exigencies arise so high, and the state call for it, by engaging their estates and lives, in case they be invaded by an unlawful power. And in case of ignorance, the thing we bind ourselves to is this, that if at any time any particular shall be in question, what the parliament shall make appear to be their right or the liberty of the subject, we promise to contribute such assistance for the preservation or reparation thereof, as the nature of the thing, and wisdom of the state shall call for at our hands, in our several places.

2. Scruple. But some are offended, while they conceive in the same article, that the clause wherein we swear the preservation and defence of the king's person and authority, doth lie under some restraint, by that limitation; in the preservation and defence of the true religion, and the liberties of the kingdom. To which we reply. 1. It maintains him as far as he is a king: he may be a man, but sure no king, without the lists and verge of religion and laws, it being religion and laws that make him a king. 2. It maintains his person and estate, as far as his majesty himself doth desire and expect to be defended; for, sure his justice cannot desire to be defended against, but in the preservation of religion and laws; and his wisdom cannot expect it, since he cannot believe that they will make conscience of defending his person, who make no conscience of preserving religion and the laws; I mean, when the ruin of his person and authority may advance their own cursed designs. They that, for their ends, will defend his person and authority against religion and liberties of the kingdom, will with the same conscience defend their own ends against his person and authority, when they have power in their hands. The Lord deliver his majesty from such defenders, by what names or titles soever they be called. 3. Who doubts but that religion and laws, (wherein the rights and liberties of kingdoms are bound up) are the best security of the persons and authority of kings and governors? And the while kings will defend these, these will defend kings? It being impossible that princes should suffer violence or indignity, while they are within the munition of religion and laws; or if the prince suffer, these must of necessity suffer with him. 4. I make a question, whether this limitation lie any more upon the defence of the king's person and authority, than it doth upon the rights and privileges of parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdom, since there is no point or stop in the article to appropriate it more to the defence of the king's person and authority, than to the preservation of the rights and privileges of the parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms? 5. And lastly, this clause is not to be understood exclusive, as excluding all other cases wherein the kingdoms stand bound to preserve his majesty's person and authority, but only as expressing that case wherein the safety of his person and authority doth most highly concern both king and kingdoms, especially at such a time as this is, when both are so furiously and implacably encountered by a malignant army of desperate parricides, papists, and their prelatical party.

These objections answered, and difficulties removed, we proceed to the examining of the rest of the particulars, in the following articles.

The discovery of incendiaries or malignants that have been, or shall be, to which the fourth article binds us: doth it not lie also in a necessary tendency to the securing and preserving of this covenant inviolable with the most high God, in point of reformation? For can we hope a thorough reformation, according to the mind of Christ, if opposers of reformation may escape scot-free, undiscovered and unpunished? Or, can we indeed love or promote a reformation, and in the mean time countenance or conceal the enemies of it? This is clear, yet it wants not a scruple, and that peradventure which may trouble a sincere heart.

Object. It is this, having once taken this oath, if we hear a friend, or brother, yea, perhaps a father, a husband, or a wife, let fall a word of dislike of the parliament, or assembly's proceedings in either kingdom; or that discovers another judgment, or opinion; or a word of passion unadvisedly uttered, and do not presently discover and complain of it, we pull upon ourselves the guilt or danger of perjury, which will be a mighty snare to thousands of well affected people.

To which I answer. 1. The objection lays the case much more narrow than the words of the article, which distinguisheth the incendiary or malignant, which is to be discovered by a threefold character, or note of malignity. First, Hindering the reformation of religion. Secondly, Dividing the king from his people, or one kingdom from another. Thirdly, Making any faction or parties amongst the people, contrary to the league and covenant. Now, every dislike of some passage in parliament or assembly's proceedings; every dissent in judgment and opinion; every rash word or censure, that may possibly be let fall through passion and inadvertency, will not amount to so high a degree of malignity as is here expressed, nor consequently bring one within the compass of this oath and covenant. A suitable and seasonable caution or conviction may suffice in such a case.

2. But, suppose the malignity to arise to that height here expressed in any of the branches thereof; I do not conceive the first work this oath of God binds us to, is to make a judicial discovery thereof; while, without controversy, our Saviour's rule of dealing with our brethren in cases of offence is not here excluded; which is, 1. To see what personal admonition will do; which, toward a superior, as husband, parent, master, or the like, must be managed with all wisdom and reverence. If they hear us, we have made a good day's work of it; we have gained our brother; if not, then the rule directs us yet. 2. In the second place, to take with us two or three more; if they do the deed, thou mayest sit down with peace and thankfulness. 3. If, after all this, the party shall persist in destructive practices to hinder reformation, to divide the king from his people, or one kingdom from another; or lastly, to make factions or parties among the people; be it the man of thine house, the husband of thy youth, the wife of thy bosom, the son of thy loins: "Levi must know neither father nor mother," private relations must give way to public safety; thou must with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery, thine "eye must not pity nor spare." It is a case long since stated by God Himself; and when complaint is made to any person in authority, the plaintiff is discharged, and the matter rests upon the hands of authority. Provided, notwithstanding, that there be, in the use of all the former means, that latitude allowed which the apostle gives in case of heresy; "A first and second admonition." This course, not only the rule of our Saviour in general, but the very words of the covenant itself, doth allow, for, though the clause be placed in the sixth article, yet it hath reference to all, viz., "What we are not able ourselves to suppress or overcome, we shall reveal and make known." So that, if the malignity fall within our own or our friends' ability to conquer, we have discharged our duty to God and the kingdoms, and may sit down with comfort in our bosoms.

That which remains in the other two articles, I cannot see how it affords any occasion of an objection; and the reference it hath to the reformation and preservation of religion, is easy and clear to any eye, that is not wilfully blind; the preservation of peace between the two kingdoms, in the fifth article, being the pillar of religion; for how can religion and reformation stand, if any blind malignant Samson be suffered to pull down the pillars of peace and union? Besides, it was a branch of that very covenant in the text, as well as of that in our hands. The children of Israel and Judah, which had a long time been disunited, and in that disunion had many bloody and mortal skirmishes and battles, now at length by the good hand of God upon them, take counsel to join themselves, first one to another, and then both unto God. Let us "join ourselves," and then to "the Lord, in a perpetual covenant." Surely, not only this copy in the text, but the wormwood and the gall of our civil combustions and wars, which our souls may have in remembrance to our dying day, and be humbled within us, may powerfully persuade us to a cheerful engagement of ourselves, for the preservation of a firm peace and union between the kingdoms, to all posterity.