On these grounds, we are of opinion, that though we should not be able to borrow the two millions sterling, recommended to us, yet if the Congress are obliged to borrow the whole twenty millions of dollars they have issued, we hope to find sufficient here, by way of subsidy, to pay the interest in full value, whereby the credit of their currency will be established, and on great and urgent occasions they may venture to make an addition to it, which we conceive will be better than paying the interest of two millions sterling to foreigners. On the whole, we would advise Congress to draw on us for sums equal to the interest of what they have borrowed, as that interest becomes due, allowing the lenders, in the drafts, five livres, money of France, for every dollar of interest. And we think they may venture to promise it for future loans, without, however, mentioning the grounds we here give for making such a promise; for these Courts have particularly strong reasons for keeping out of the war, as long as they can, besides this general one, that on both sides the nation attacking loses the claim, which when attacked, it has for aid from its allies. And we have these advantages in their keeping out of the war, that they are better able to afford us private assistance, that by holding themselves in readiness to invade Britain, they keep more of her force at home, and that they leave to our armed vessels, the whole harvest of prizes made upon her commerce, and of course the whole encouragement to increase our force in privateers, which will breed seamen for our navy.
The desire that military officers here, of all ranks, have of going into the service of the United States, is so general, and so strong, as to be quite amazing. We are hourly fatigued with their applications, and offers, which we are obliged to refuse, and with hundreds of letters, which we cannot possibly answer to their satisfaction, having had no orders to engage any but engineers, who are accordingly gone. If the Congress think fit to encourage some of distinguished merit, to enter their service, they will please to signify it.
Captain Wickes made a cruise this winter, and returned with five prizes, of the produce of which we suppose Mr Morris will acquaint you; for they are sold, though the bringing them into France has given some trouble and uneasiness to the Court, and must not be too frequently practised. We have ordered him to make another cruise before he returns to America, and have given him for a consort, the armed cutter, Captain Nicholson; they will sail in a few days. Mr Hodge writes us, that he has provided another cutter; we intended to have employed one of them as a packet, but several of yours being now here, and having lately made a contract for sending one every month, a copy of which we enclose, we shall make use of this new purchase as a cruiser.
We have at length finished a contract with the Farmers-General, for five thousand hogsheads of tobacco, a copy of which is enclosed. We shall receive the first advance of two millions of livres, next month, and we entreat you to use your best endeavors to enable us to comply with our part of the agreement. We found it a measure of government to furnish us by that means with large advances, as well as to obtain the ground of some of their own taxes; and finding the minister anxious to have such a treaty concluded, we complied with the terms, though we apprehend them not to be otherwise very advantageous. We have expectations, however, that in case it appears, that the tobacco cannot be afforded so cheap, through captures, &c. government will not suffer us to be losers.
We have purchased eighty thousand fusils, a number of pistols, &c. of which the enclosed is an account, for two hundred and twenty thousand livres. They were king's arms and second hand, but so many of them are unused and unexceptionably good, that we esteem it a great bargain if only half of them should arrive. We applied for the large brass cannon, to be borrowed out of the king's stores till we could replace them, but have not yet obtained an answer. You will soon have the arms and accoutrements for the horse, except the saddles, if not intercepted by the enemy.
All Europe is for us. Our articles of confederation, being by our means translated, and published here, have given an appearance of consistence and firmness to the American States and government, that begins to make them considerable. The separate constitutions of the several States are also translating and publishing here, which afford abundance of speculation to the politicians of Europe, and it is a very general opinion, that if we succeed in establishing our liberties, we shall, as soon as peace is restored, receive an immense addition of numbers and wealth from Europe, by the families who will come over to participate in our privileges, and bring their estates with them. Tyranny is so generally established in the rest of the world, that the prospect of an asylum in America, for those who love liberty, gives general joy, and our cause is esteemed the cause of all mankind. Slaves naturally become base, as well as wretched. We are fighting for the dignity and happiness of human nature. Glorious is it for the Americans, to be called by providence to this post of honor. Cursed and detested will every one be that deserts or betrays it.
We are glad to learn the intention of Congress to send ministers to the empires of Prussia and Tuscany. With submission, we think Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, (if the expense is no objection,) should not be neglected. It would be of great service, if among them we could get a free port or two for the sale of prizes, as well as for commerce. A commencement of intercourse has been made with Prussia, as you will see by the enclosed copies of letters,[31] between his minister and us. We suppose, as the Congress has appointed one of us to Spain, they will order another of us to some of the other Courts, as we see no utility equal to the charge, and yet some inconveniency, in a joint commission here, where one, when freed from commercial cares and action, is sufficient for the business. As soon as the Court of Spain shall be willing to receive a minister, (which from Mr Lee's information, seems not to be at present the case,) Mr Franklin intends to go thither in obedience to the orders he has received. Mr Lee has expressed his readiness to go to Prussia or Tuscany, before the intention of Congress to send to those Courts was known; and he waits here awhile, by the advice of his colleagues, expecting that perhaps the next ship may bring his future destination.
For the procuring and sending more certain and speedy intelligence, we have, as before mentioned, entered into a contract here, whereby we are to have a packet boat despatched every month; the first will sail in about a fortnight. As we are yet without an explicit answer from Court on several important points, and we shall have that speedy opportunity, we do not now enlarge in answer to the several letters received by Hammond, Bell, Adams, and Johnston. We only now assure the Congress, that we shall be attentive to execute all the resolutions and orders they have sent us for our government, and we have good hopes of success, in most of them.
For news, we refer in general to the papers, and to some letters[32] enclosed, which we have received from London. We shall only add, that though the English begin again to threaten us with twenty thousand Russians, it is the opinion of the wisest men here, and particularly among the foreign ministers, that they will never be sent. The Anspachers, who were to be embarked in Holland, mutined, and refused to proceed, so that the Prince was obliged to go with his guards and force them on. A gentleman of Rotterdam writes us, that he saw a number of them brought, bound hands and feet, to that place in boats. This does not seem as if much service can be expected from such unwilling soldiers. The British fleet is not yet half manned; the difficulty in that respect was never before found so great, and is ascribed to several causes, viz. a dislike to the war, the subtraction of American sailors, the number our privateers have taken out of British ships, and the enormous transport service.
The French are free from this difficulty, their seamen being all registered, and serving in their turns. Their fleet is nearly ready, and will be much superior to the English, when joined with that of Spain, which is preparing with all diligence. The tone of the Court accordingly rises, and it is said, that a few days since, when the British Ambassador intimated to the Minister, that if the Americans were permitted to continue drawing supplies of arms, &c. from this kingdom, the peace could not last much longer; he was firmly answered—Nous ne desirons pas le guerre, mais nous ne la craigons pas. "We neither desire war, nor fear it." When all are ready for it, a small matter may suddenly bring it on; and it is the universal opinion, that the peace cannot continue another year. Every nation in Europe wishes to see Britain humbled, having all in their turns been offended by her insolence, which, in prosperity, she is apt to discover on all occasions. A late instance manifested it towards Holland, when being elate with the news of some success in America, and fancying all that business ended, Sir Joseph Yorke delivered a memorial to the States, expressing his master's indignation against them, on account of the commerce their subjects carried on with the rebels, and the governor of St Eustatia's returning the salute of one of the American ships, remarking that "if that commerce was not stopped, and the governor punished," the King knew what appertained to the dignity of his crown, and should take proper measures to vindicate it. The States were much offended, but answered coolly that they should inquire into the conduct of their governor, and, in the mean time, would prepare to secure themselves against the vengeance with which Britain seemed to threaten them. Accordingly, they immediately ordered twentysix men of war to be put upon the stocks.