F. That is true; but I do not see any at present; I very much regret the want of a Minister from America.
L. Permit me, Sir, to ask you, is it intended by the proclamation of the 2d of July, to exclude American ships from the West India trade, between the United States and the British islands?
F. Yes, certainly, it was so intended, in order that we might have something to treat for, and this will be a subject for a commercial treaty.
On the 6th, I waited upon his Grace, the Duke of Portland. His Grace was equally clear and positive as Mr Fox had declared himself, that a Minister from the United States of America would be well received at this Court, and also regretted that an appointment had not earlier taken place. I touched upon the commercial and definitive treaty, referred to assurances in March and April, intimated my apprehensions of pernicious effects, which might arise from excluding American ships from a freedom between the United States and the British West India Islands, adding what I had learnt from Doctor Franklin of the commerce intended by the Court of France, between our America and the French Islands. I can only say, the Duke seemed to wish that everything had been settled to mutual satisfaction, and hoped that everything would soon be settled.
Yesterday, by the desire of Mr Fox, I called upon him again; he said he had not seen the King, but that he had transmitted an account to his Majesty of my application; that we might be perfectly satisfied, however, that a Minister from Congress would be well received; that the appointment of one was much wished for here; that he must take blame to himself in some degree for the long delay of a commercial regulation, but that business would now soon be finished; he had no objection himself to opening the West India trade to the Americans, but there were many parties to please, and you know, added Mr Fox, the people of this country very well. Yes, Sir, I know something of them, and I find not only the West India planters, but some of the most judicious merchants, anxious for opening the trade. I have been told by some of them, that they should be ruined without it. I believe all this, said Mr Fox, but there are other people of a different opinion. As to the definitive treaty, there may be, as you observed, new articles necessary for mutual advantage, and we may either add such to the provisional articles and make the whole definitive, or make a new treaty; but I understand it is expected this should be done under the eye of, or in concert with the Court of France, which for my own part I do not like, and cannot consent to. I replied, in my opinion a new treaty definitive would be best, as well for incorporating additional articles, as for clearing away some of the rubbish in the provisional, which contained, if not nonsense, more than a little ambiguity; that though I did not see the necessity for it now, yet I had been told it was expected our definitive treaty should be finished in communication with the French Court, but as I had formerly observed, I had received no charge on this head, and spoke only the sentiments of Mr Laurens to Mr Fox, and not to a Minister of Great Britain.
I have detailed facts as fully and freely as memory has enabled me. I leave them with you under this one remark, that we are cooler in the dog days than we were at the vernal equinox. The philosophy of Versailles and Passy may account for, and guard against the effect of extreme changes. I have found my presence here at this juncture of some use in explaining, or attempting to explain, the late mutiny at Philadelphia. The enemies of this country, and of the United States had exulted, the friends of both had too much abandoned themselves to dread, that the soldiery had assumed the reins of government, and that all the States of America were rushing into anarchy. Captain Carberry and Lieutenant Sullivan, those rash young officers who led on the mutineers to the State House, arrived a few days ago. The former has been with me, expressing deep concern for his conduct, desirous of returning, with an assurance of personal safety, and wanting money for supporting daily expenses, alleging that the United States are indebted to him at least “twelve hundred pounds currency exclusive of land.” I have recommended to him to return immediately, and demean himself to the laws of his country, and submit to the magnanimity of Congress. He expresses a dread of undergoing a trial. Could I afford it, and were to advance money for his living in London, should I not incur censure at home? I beg you will communicate such particulars of that disturbance and the event of it, as you may have learned, and your opinion for my conduct respecting these officers.
Mr Barclay will tell you of a display of the American standard under a triumphant British pendant at a very capital inland fair. Trifling as the insult may appear, it discovers a little leaven at the centre.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.