TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
London, April 24th, 1784.
Sir,
I had the honor of addressing Congress, under directions to Mr Secretary Thompson, the 28th ultimo, by Major Jackson, and a copy by the packet from Falmouth, and the 8th instant by the same packet, copy by Sir James Jay, to which I beg leave to refer. Mr Hartley went off for Paris the 17th, preferring that spot to this for the exchange of ratifications. I am told there is a pretty handsome stipend annexed to each journey.
The London Gazette of the 17th instant, a copy of which will be enclosed with this, contains a proclamation of the 16th, for extending the American intercourse to the 20th of June next, in terms, almost verbatim, a repetition of the antecedent. The friends of administration say, that the present Ministers are afraid of attempting enlargements before the meeting of the new Parliament. At present, from the best information I can collect, their utmost view is to a restricted trade in small vessels, of sixty or eighty tons, of American property, between the United States and the British West Indies. The tonnage on their part to be unlimited.
I have the pleasure of conversing often with men the most judicious and experienced in commercial affairs; all agree with me, that precise retaliation would produce good effects; possibly retaliation may be the very wish of our implacable enemies; certainly there is a majority still in council mumbling the Thistle,—of which wise men think they have already had enough. What new maggot has bitten them? “See,” say they, and reason upon the falsehood, “there is already a secession of four States; only nine could be collected for ratifying the treaty; New York we know is unrepresented, Connecticut is also unrepresented, (then presume upon two other States) they are all in confusion, weary of their independence, and will soon return to Great Britain upon her own terms.” I allude to no person eastward of Charing Cross. I cannot impute such conduct to ignorance; they will not be convinced, although they have Moses and the Prophets; in my mind, it proves a determination in that majority, not to return to America with any degree of cordiality or generosity to urge a commercial, hoping in time to provoke a more hostile war, and to improve upon what they call the errors of the last. I am assured, that the last commander in chief of the British troops in America is a principal adviser. Mr Brooke Watson is added. To bring the King and people in general to consent to war with the United States will be a work, however, requiring no small exertion of skill. “His Majesty was dragged into the late war, as reluctantly as ever a bull was dragged to a baiting. I have seen the Queen shed floods of tears in the cruel progress, and have heard her Majesty say, I do not interfere in politics, but I think the Americans are an injured people. The King has often expressed to me his regret at the shedding of so much blood, but, said his Majesty, what can I do? They drew me in little by little; I have been deceived, I have had more truth from you, W. than from all of them together. The King has been, and is willing to send to, and receive from the United States Ambassadors, (this part is undoubtedly a fact) and wishes for a liberal intercourse and commerce with them. Those men, who were called the King’s friends, for promoting the war, from the old Rubicon Peer, to the one always supposed to have been the invisible counsellor, (naming them specially) are now his enemies, because he has acknowledged the independence of the States. Had a late violent measure succeeded, and that party gained the power aimed at, a voluntary abdication was determined upon, arrangements were absolutely made for that purpose. I can live, said the King, in an humbler state and be happy. The heir apparent would have mounted the throne, a question on the right of alienating the Prince of Wales’s inheritance would have been brought forward, a war as soon as possible commenced for recovery, mistakes and errors of the last to be avoided.” I might add &c. &c. but that must rest to a future day.
I think it my duty, Sir, to communicate these memorable circumstances to Congress. If the intelligence merits attention, they will make proper application, but for the sake of our friend who delivered it to me, from no second hand report, upon whose honor and veracity all America would place the highest confidence, who could have no motive to a studied unprofitable falsehood, I humbly request it may not become suddenly a subject of out door conversation.
Two of my friends, characters highly esteemed in the United States, have been with me at several times within these three days past; whether they are in the secret of the above written history I know not, but rather believe the contrary, each confirmed that part relative to an intended breach, trusting, however, in the resistance of the people. If I trust at all, it is in their imbecility. The people may, by “exertions of skill,” be taught to believe, that going to war will mend their fortunes and recover national glory; let us contrast some of the late addresses of thanks with the later elections, and we shall see the inconsistency of conduct in the “first city in Europe,” and many other instances will appear. It may be asked how they can support a war under such a load of debt? It is averred by competent judges, that ragged and deranged as the finances of this country are, they are infinitely better than those of the neighboring maritime powers. A determination may be founded upon the comparative essay of resources; but I am under no apprehension from all they can do, provided timely, wise precautions are taken on our part. If all the people called loyalists were scattered in America, they would not do so much mischief as they do here; we could manage them best at home. I have employed a person to look out for a proper ship for my passage to America, hoping to embark in the course of next month.
With great respect and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.