ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Mr Stewart, informing me that he shall set out tomorrow for Paris, will be the bearer of this, and duplicates of my last letters. The want of time will prevent my sending Mr Jay duplicates of the resolutions formerly enclosed to him, which will be the more unnecessary as you will communicate those you receive with this, if my former letters containing them, have not reached him.
We are much flattered by the proposals of Sweden, and feel all the force of its Minister's observations; every new acknowledgment lays the foundation of others, and familiarizes Great Britain with the idea of acknowledging us as sovereign and independent. I feel some pleasure, too, in thinking that you are to be the instrument of procuring us new connexions, and beg leave to remind you of another which calls upon your attention, though it seems to have been forgotten in the hurry of business. I mean that with the States of Barbary. The good dispositions of the Court of France towards us, and the enlarged policy by which their measures are actuated, together with the coolness that at present subsists between the Emperor of Morocco and Great Britain, (if we are well informed) seem to point out this as the favorable moment for making ourselves known to him. As Mr Jay is now with you, I wish you would consult upon the means of bringing this about, so that we may not be shut out of the Mediterranean in future.
I know you will start a very obvious objection. But as this can only be removed by your influence where you now are, we rely upon you for the means as well as for the manner of treating. I have not thought it necessary to say anything to Congress on this subject, nor shall I, till you give me hopes that something may be done in it.
The only political object of a general nature, that has been touched upon in Congress since my last, is the exchange of prisoners, which seems at present to be as far as ever from being effected. The propositions on the side of the enemy were to exchange seamen for soldiers, they having no soldiers in their hands; that the soldiers so exchanged should not serve for one year against the United States; that the sailors might go into immediate service; that the remainder of the soldiers in our hands should be given up at a stipulated price.
Congress rejected this proposal as unequal; as letting loose a force, which might be employed against our allies in the West Indies; as making no provision for the payment of the large balance due to us for the maintenance of prisoners. They further required, that General Carleton should explicitly declare, that the powers he gives to his Commissioners for negotiating an exchange are derived from the King of Great Britain, so that any engagement for the payment of the debt they have incurred may be considered as binding upon the nation. With respect to Mr Laurens, they have come to no decided opinion. The Committee to whom it was referred, reporting that,
"With respect to the information contained in the extract of Sir Guy Carleton's and Admiral Digby's letter of the 2d of August, 'that after Mr Laurens was discharged, he declared that he considered Lord Cornwallis as freed from his parole,' your Committee conceive it sufficient to observe, that no intimation having been received of such a fact, except, from the said extract, and Congress having given no directions to that purpose, the consideration thereof would in their opinion be premature, and ought therefore to be deferred." Since which, though letters have been received from Mr Laurens, they have come to no resolution, unless their direction to him to proceed in the business of his mission may be considered as such.