2dly. A new law for taking the suffrages of the people at elections, to prevent expense and influence.
3dly. To adopt, as part of their general associations, the following propositions.
I. That an examination be made into all the branches of the receipt, expenditure, and mode of keeping and passing accounts of public money.
II. One hundred, at least, of additional members of counties in the House of Commons.
III. That the members of the House of Commons be annually elected.
IV. That it is recommended to all voters to support, at the next election, such candidates as shall, by signing the association or otherwise, satisfy them that they will support these regulations in Parliament.
In the Middlesex committee, at the Masons' tavern, March 24th, this circular letter and the memorial it contained were unanimously approved, and their members in the general Congress thanked. In the Westminster committee, King's Arms tavern, Palace yard, March 15th, 1780, it was resolved, "that by the resolution of the general meeting, directing this committee to prepare a plan of association on legal and constitutional grounds, to support the laudable reform, and such other measures as may conduce to restore the freedom of Parliament, this committee conceive themselves bound to enter into the consideration of every question tending to establish the independency of Parliament on a solid and durable basis. That the duration of Parliament, and the state of the representatives of the people, are questions immediately under this description; that a sub-committee, consisting of seven persons, be appointed to inquire into the state of the representation of the nation and make a report." On the 20th of March, the sub-committee reported. The report is dated the 19th. "That new Parliaments to be holden once in every year were the ancient usage, and declared to be the hereditary and indefeasible right of the people of England; that the 6th of William and Mary is the first, which attempts to appoint the time of the continuance of Parliament to be for the term of three years, though the same act recognises the ancient laws and statutes of this kingdom, by which annual Parliaments were confirmed, and declares that frequent and new Parliaments tend very much to the happy union and good agreement of the King and people; that by the 1st of George the First, the Parliament then chosen for three years, (by acquiescence of the people to the act of William and Mary, on the faith of its declaring, that from henceforth, no Parliament whatsoever, that shall at any time hereafter be called, assembled, or held, shall have any continuance for longer than three years only at the furthest,) did pass an act to prolong its continuance to seven years; that temporary considerations are stated in the preamble to the act, as the principal motives for the act itself, that the 6th of William and Mary is worded as if declaratory of what was conceived, however falsely, to have been the constitution of the country; but that the septennial act assumes a power of altering the duration of Parliament at pleasure; that these alterations in the constitution of Parliament were made without communication with the constituent body of the people, and have been continued without the sanction of their approbation; that the septennial bill was strongly opposed in Parliament, and a direct infringement on the constitution, and a flagrant breach of trust towards the constituent body; that it was supported almost entirely on the principle of expediency; that the voice of the people appeared strongly against it, in many respectable petitions to Parliament on the occasion, and that a constitutional protest was entered by the Peers, stating, that frequent Parliaments were the fundamental constitution of the kingdom; that the House of Commons ought to be chosen by the people, and when continued for a longer time than they were chosen for, they were then chosen by the Parliament and not by the people; that they conceived the bill, so far from preventing corruption, would rather increase it, for the longer a Parliament was to last, the more valuable to corrupt ones would be the purchase, and that all the reasons which had been given for long Parliaments might be given for making them perpetual, which would be an absolute subversion of the third estate; that various motions were afterwards made and strongly supported for a repeal of the septennial act, particularly a motion for annual Parliaments in 1774, which was lost only by a majority of thirtytwo; that the city of London and other respectable bodies continued to instruct their representatives to prosecute this object in the most vigorous manner, as essentially necessary to the independency and integrity of Parliament, the rights of the people, and the prosperity of their country; that by the 8th of Henry Sixth, the Parliament, then elected by the commonality at large, passed an act to disfranchise the greater part of their constituents, by limiting the right of election of Knights of the Shire to persons having free lands, or tenants, to the value of forty shillings by the year, at the least, which restriction has ever since continued; that many towns and boroughs, formerly entitled for their repute and reputation, to send members to Parliament, have since fallen into decay, yet continue to have a representation equal to the most opulent counties and cities, while other towns and places, which have risen into consideration, and become populous and wealthy, have no representatives in Parliament; that the number of the inhabitants of England and Wales is above five millions; that of these, twelve hundred thousand are supposed capable of voting, as the constitution stood before the restrictive act above quoted; that not more than two hundred and fourteen thousand are at present permitted to vote; that out of these, one hundred and thirty thousand freeholders elect ninetytwo members for fiftytwo counties; fortythree thousand citizens, freemen and others, elect fiftytwo members for twentythree cities and two universities, and fortyone thousand electors choose three hundred and sixtynine members for one hundred and ninetytwo towns and boroughs; that fifty of these members are returned by three hundred and forty electors; and a number scarcely above six thousand, being a majority of the voters of one hundred and twentynine of the boroughs, return two hundred and fiftyseven representatives, which is a majority of the whole English House of Commons, and the efficient representation of above five millions of people; that many of these boroughs are immediately under the influence of the Crown, as the cinque ports; many of them are private property, affording hereditary seats, as those under burgage, tenure, and some of them almost without houses or inhabitants, as Galton, Newtown, and Old Sarum; that considering the representation with reference to property, many counties return representatives out of all proportion to what they contribute to the public revenue; that Cornwall pays to land tax and subsidy, sixteen parts out of five hundred and thirty, and sends fortyfour members to Parliament, while Middlesex pays not less in proportion than two hundred and fiftysix, and sends eight members; so that the inequality of the representation of this country, with regard to property, is still greater than when estimated according to the numbers of its inhabitants." The Westminster committee after considering this report, Mr Fox in the chair, came to the following resolutions.
"1. That annual Parliaments are the undoubted right of the people of England, and that the act which prolonged their duration was subversive of the constitution, and a violation on the part of the representatives, of the sacred trust reposed in them by their constituents.
"2. That the present state of the representation of this country is inadequate to the object, and a departure from the first principles of the constitution.
"3. That thanks be given to the sub-committee for their very intelligent report.