The ancient and intimate connexion between the Houses of Orange and Brunswick, the family alliances, and the vast advantage which the Princes of Orange have derived in erecting, establishing, and perpetuating the Stadtholder against the inclination of the republican party, and the reliance which this family still has upon the same connexion to support it, have attached the executive power of this government in such a manner to England, that nothing but necessity could make a separation. On the contrary, the republican party, which has heretofore been conducted by Barnevelt, Grotius, the De Witts and other immortal patriots, have ever leaned towards an alliance with France because she has ever favored the republican form of government in this nation. All parties however agree, that England has been ever jealous and envious of the Dutch commerce, and done it great injuries; that this country is more in the power of France if she were hostile, than of England, and that her trade with France is of vastly greater value than that with England. Yet England has more influence here than France. The Dutch, some of them at least, now see another commercial and maritime power arising, which it is their interest to form an early connexion with. All parties here see that it is not their interest that France and Spain should secure too many advantages in America, and too great a share in her commerce, and especially in the fisheries in her seas. All parties too see that it would be dangerous to the commerce, and even Independence of the United Provinces, to have America again under the dominion of England, and the republicans see, or think they see, that a change in this government and a loss of their liberties would be the consequence of it too.
Amidst all these conflicts of interests and parties, and all these speculations, the British Ambassador, with his swarms of agents, is busily employed in propagating reports, in which they are much assisted by those who are called here Stadtholderians, and there has been nobody to contradict or explain anything. This should be the business in part of a Minister Plenipotentiary. Such a Minister, however, would not have it in his power to do it effectually, without frequent and constant information from Congress. At present this nation is so ignorant of the strength, resources, commerce, and constitution of America, it has so false and exaggerated an imagination of the power of England, it has so many doubts of our final success, so many suspicions of our falling finally into the hands of France and Spain, so many jealousies that France and Spain will abandon us, or that we shall abandon them, so many fears of offending the English Ministry, the English Ambassador, the great mercantile houses, that are very profitably employed by both, and above all, the Stadtholder and his friends, that even a loan of money will meet with every obstruction and discouragement possible. These chimeras, and many more, are held up to the people, and influence their minds and conduct to such a degree, that no man dares openly and publicly disregard them.
I have this day received an answer to some propositions, which I made last Saturday to a very respectable house, declining to accept the trust proposed. I do not, however, despair; I still hope to obtain something; but I am fully persuaded, that without a commission of Minister Plenipotentiary, and without time and care to lead the public opinion into the truth, no man living will ever succeed, to any large amount. Those persons, who wish to lend us money, and are able to lend us any considerable sum, are the patriots, who are willing to risk the resentment of the British and the Stadtholder, for the sake of extending the commerce, strengthening the political interest, and preserving the liberties of their country. They think, that lending us money without forming a political connexion with us will answer these ends. That cause stands very insecurely, which rests on the shoulders of patriotism in any part of Europe. But in such case, if patriotism is left in a state of doubt whether she ought to sustain it, the cause must fall to the ground.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, September 28th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 5th of this month, the Barons of Wassenaar and Heekeren, Ministers Plenipotentiary of the States-General, had their first audience of the Empress of Russia, presented their letters of credit, and were graciously received. The Baron de Wassenaar, in presenting his letters of credit, addressed to the Empress the following speech.