"His Majesty has had for sometime indications without number of the dangerous designs of an unbridled cabal. But the papers of Mr Laurens, who calls himself a President of a pretended Congress, have made a discovery of a conspiracy without example in the annals of the Republic. It appears by these papers, that the gentlemen of Amsterdam have commenced a clandestine correspondence with the rebels of America, from the month of August, 1778, and that there were instructions and full powers given by them, relative to the conclusion of an indissoluble treaty of amity with these rebels, subjects of a sovereign, to whom the Republic is bound by engagements the most strict. The authors of this conspiracy pretend not to deny it; on the contrary, they avow it, and endeavor in vain to justify it. It is in these circumstances, that his Majesty, depending on the equity of your High Mightinesses, demands a formal disavowal of a conduct so irregular, not less contrary to your engagements the most sacred, than to the fundamental laws of the Batavian Constitution. The King demands also, a prompt satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and an exemplary punishment of the Pensionary, Van Berckel, and of his accomplices, as disturbers of the public peace, and violators of the law of nations.
"His Majesty persuades himself, that the answer of your High Mightinesses will be prompt and satisfactory in all respects. But if the contrary should happen, if your High Mightinesses refuse a demand so just, or endeavor to evade it by silence, which will be considered as a refusal, in that case, the King will not be able to consider the Republic itself but as approving of misdemeanors, which it refuses to disavow and to punish; and after such a conduct, his Majesty will see himself in the necessity of taking such measures, as the maintenance of his dignity and the essential interests of his people demand.
"Done at the Hague, the 10th of November, 1780.
JOSEPH YORKE."
Whether Sir Joseph Yorke, after twenty years' residence in this Republic, is ignorant of its Constitution, or whether, knowing it, he treats it in this manner, on purpose the more palpably to insult it, I know not. The sovereignty resides in the States-General; but who are the States-General? Not their High Mightinesses, who assemble at the Hague to deliberate; these are only deputies of the States-General. The States-General are the Regencies of the cities, and the bodies of nobles in the several Provinces. The Burgomasters of Amsterdam, therefore, who are called the Regency, are one integral branch of the sovereignty of the Seven United Provinces, and the most material branch of all, because the city of Amsterdam is one quarter of the whole Republic, at least in taxes.
What would be said in England if the Count de Welderen, Ambassador at the Court of London, had presented a Memorial to the King, in which he had charged any integral part of their sovereignty, as the whole House of Lords, or the whole House of Commons, with conspiracies, factions, cabals, sacrificing general interests to private views, and demanded exemplary punishment upon them? The cases are in nature precisely parallel, although there are only three branches of the sovereignty in England, and there are a greater number than three in Holland.
There are strong symptoms of resentment of this outrageous Memorial in Amsterdam; but whether the whole will not evaporate, I know not. Many persons, however, are of opinion that a war is inevitable, and ensurance cannot be had even to St Eustatia, since this Memorial was made public, under twenty or twentyfive per cent.
This Memorial is so like the language of Lord Hillsborough and Governor Bernard, that I could scarcely forbear substituting Boston for Amsterdam, and Otis, or Hancock, or Adams, for Van Berckel, as I read it. I should not wonder if the next Memorial should charge the Republic with rebellion, and except two or three from pardon.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.