TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 12th, 1780.
Sir,
I cannot omit to request the attention of Congress to a debate in the House of Peers on the 1st of June, upon Lord Shelburne's motion for a variety of State papers to be laid before the House. I have had the honor to transmit these papers to Congress before. His Lordship in his speech upon this occasion has displayed more knowledge of the affairs of Europe, than all the debates in the two Houses, and all the newspapers and pamphlets have contained for a long time. I will translate from a French translation, not having the original before me, what he says of Russia.
"With regard to the papers, which concern Russia, I see in the first place, in the declaration made by that Court in 1779, that under pretence of some disorders committed in the Baltic Sea by an American privateer, (Captain McNeal, I suppose,) the Empress announces to Great Britain, that she is about to form a league with the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, for the protection of commerce in that sea. This Princess must have known our Ministers perfectly well, to hope that they would fall into the snare. Yes, she knew that they would bite at the hook, when it was covered with the bait of some appearance of hostility against the Americans. While they were running after the dainty worm, all Europe saw clearly that this exclusion from the Baltic Sea was general for all armed vessels, whether American or English; but Russia was too wise to begin by speaking of English vessels. It is, nevertheless, curious to consider the nature of the right alleged by the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, to arrogate to themselves the dominion of the Baltic; a dominion no mention of which is made in any treaty existing, and of which no one ever heard any mention made. They say to you, that God Almighty intended that these three powers should govern exclusively over this vast sea. The terms of the declaration say expressly, that nature has given them this right; if this declaration is extraordinary, and without example, the last declaration of the Empress of Russia is much more astonishing. This Princess dares to announce a maritime code, which will serve as a rule for all Europe. I will acknowledge, that when this Imperial decree for the first time fell into my hands, I was confounded; I felt in a moment, that Russia, this Empire coming out of the cradle, scarcely reckoned a few years ago in the number of maritime powers, this Russia, which the Ministers declared to us was our friend and our ally, was disposed not only to refuse us assistance, but moreover to contribute to the annihilation of the maritime power of Great Britain. The Empress declares in this Manifesto, that free ships render the effects free, that they have on board; she does not confine herself to establish this principle in favor of the vessels of her nation, she makes it general, she invites all the States of Europe, whether neutral or belligerent, to unite with her to maintain it, and to set them an example she informs them, that to maintain it effectually she equips a powerful squadron. What has given occasion to this astonishing measure? The infraction of treaties on the part of Great Britain. By the treaties of 1673 and 1674, Holland had a right to carry all, which was not expressly declared contraband; in spite of the existence of these treaties, Commodore Fielding received the extravagant orders to seize a Dutch convoy. This act of madness alarmed Russia, who forthwith published her Manifesto, which Holland, France, and Spain have received, with all the marks of the most perfect satisfaction. France has not failed to seize this opportunity to press the completion of the maritime code announced by the Empress, promising to adopt it, and to unite with her to support it.
"Such is the situation in which we find ourselves; not a single ally! there did remain to us one friend; Administration has found the secret to break with him. Is it not the most consummate madness not to have sought to insure a single ally? Opportunities have presented themselves more than once, more than twice, more than four times. If at the end of the war Administration was weary of the connexion with the King of Prussia; if they preferred the friendship, or even the alliance of the House of Austria, the opportunity of making sure of it presented itself a few years ago. In 1773, the epocha of the troubles in Poland, Great Britain would have made a friend of this House, by interposing its authority; this measure would have been agreeable to more than one power of Europe. If we had preferred the alliance of the King of Prussia, an opportunity has presented more recently of procuring it, that of the death of the Elector of Bavaria; sometime before this event, France foresaw it with terror. She perceived how much it might turn to the advantage of Great Britain, and how much the war, that it would infallibly occasion between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, would be contrary to her interests. What parts have our Ministers acted in this circumstance? They let it escape like the first; instead of conciliating the friendship of Austria, or renewing that of Prussia, they have discovered the secret of disgusting these two powers, as well as nearly all those of Europe; they have suffered that France should be the mediator between them, and make their peace.
Their conduct in regard to the Court of Petersburg, has been equally chargeable with negligence; they have let slip one or two occasions of conciliating the friendship of that Court. At the time of her rupture with the Porte, what part have they acted? They did not enter into the negotiation; but, which they will perhaps have cause to repent, they sent vessels to the Russians to teach them how they might obtain and preserve that domination of the seas, to which they pretend at this day. Such are the fruits of the prudence and wisdom of our Ministers. They have lost America, the most beautiful half of the Empire, and against the half that remains to us, they have excited all the powers of Europe. I say decidedly, that they have lost America, because, after what has passed in Holland and in Russia, one must be very short sighted not to see, that in fine, and at present, the independence of America is consummated. The maritime code confirms the rest. France and the other maritime powers, whose interest it is, that America should never return to the domination of England, will take care to comprehend her in the code; but I forewarn the Administration, that this code will soon be in force; that if they do not speedily make arrangements with Holland, there will be soon held at the Hague a Congress, to the effect to give the sanction of maritime Europe to the law which establishes, that free ships shall make free goods."
I cannot say that his Lordship is perfectly fair in this speech, nor that he has been much wiser than the Minister. The true cause why the Minister suffered France to make the peace between Russia and the Turk, and between Austria and Prussia, was the American war. While they pursued that phantom, all their men, all their ships, and all their money were necessary, and the whole not enough; so that they had not the power to lend troops, ships, or guineas to the Emperor, the King of Prussia, the Grand Seignior, nor the Empress of Russia. If they had been wise, made peace with America, acknowledged her equal station with the powers of the earth, and conciliated as much as they then might have done, her affection and her commerce, they might have preserved their importance in Europe at the peace of Teschen and the other peace. But my Lord Shelburne should have remembered, that he was at that time as much against acknowledging American independence, and as much for prosecuting the war against America as the Ministers; so that it does not appear, that his wisdom was so much greater than theirs. I am glad, however, that his Lordship is convinced, and I hope some time or other the Minister will be; but they have all called us rebels, till they have turned their own heads. This word rebellion makes Englishmen mad; they still continue to use it, and by this means as well as many others, to nourish and cherish the most rancorous and malignant passions in their own bosoms against us, and they will continue to do so a long time to come.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.