You require, Sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace. All the details towards a partial peace, are already public in the newspapers, and have all been ineffectual. The States-General are firm against it, as appears by their instructions to their Ministers. Since the conversations between me and Digges first, and Mr Laurens afterwards, there has never been any message, directly or indirectly, by word or writing, from the British Ministry to me. It was my decided advice, and earnest request by both, that all messages might be sent to Paris to Dr Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, and this has been done. Dr Franklin wrote me, that he should keep me informed of everything that passed by expresses; but I have had no advice from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches have all gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any of them. I hope that Dr Franklin and Mr Jay have had positive instructions to consent to no truce or armistice, and to enter into no conferences with any British Minister, who is not authorised to treat with the United States of America.
Some weeks ago I agreed with the Duc de la Vauguyon to draw up a project of a memorial to their High Mightinesses, proposing a triple or quadruple alliance, according to my instructions to that purpose. The Duke, in his private capacity, has declared to me often that he is of opinion, that it would be advisable to make this proposition as soon as the treaty of commerce is signed; but could not give me any ministerial advice without consulting the Count de Vergennes. We agreed that he should transmit the project to the Count. Two days ago, the Duke called upon me, and informed me, that he had the Count's answer, which was, that he did not think this the time, because it would tend to throw obscurity upon the instructions lately given by the States-General to M. Brantzen, not to make any treaty or armistice, but simultaneously with all the belligerent powers.
By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the invitation or admission is to be made by concert. From my instructions, I supposed, and suppose still, that the concert was made at Philadelphia, between Congress and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by the order of the King, his master; and my instructions being positive and unconditional to make the proposition, I shall be somewhat embarrassed. On the one hand, I would preserve not only a real harmony, but the appearance of it, between all steps of mine, and the Councils of the French Ministers. On the other, I would obey my instructions, especially when they are so fully agreeable to me, at all events. The proposition would have a good effect in England, in Holland, in France, America, and in all the neutral countries, as I think, and it could do no harm, that I can foresee. Nay, further, I am persuaded, that the French Ministry themselves, if they were to give me their private opinions, as the Duc de la Vauguyon does, would be glad if I should make the proposition against their advice.
It is possible, however, that they may secretly choose (notwithstanding the offer made at Philadelphia) not to be bound in an alliance with America and Holland. They may think they shall have more influence with their hands unbound, even to a system that they approve and mean to pursue. It is amidst all these doublings and windings of European politics, that American Ministers have to decide and act. The result is clear in my mind, that although it is proper to be upon good terms, and be communicative and confidential with the French Ministers, yet we ought to have opinions, principles, and systems of our own, and that our Ministers should not be bound to follow their advice, but when it is consonant to our own; and that Congress should firmly support their own Ministers against all secret insinuations. They must see, that a Minister of theirs, who is determined, as he is bound in honor, to be free and independent, is not in a very delectable or enviable situation in Europe, as yet.
There is but one alternative. Either Congress should recall all their Ministers from Europe, and leave all negotiations to the French Ministry, or they must support their Ministers against all insinuations. If Congress will see with their own eyes, I can assure them, without fear of being contradicted, that neither the color, figure, nor magnitude of objects will always appear to them exactly as they do to their allies. To send Ministers to Europe, who are supposed by the people of America to see for themselves, while in effect they see, or pretend to see nothing, but what appears through the glass of a French Minister, is to betray the just expectations of that people.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
The Hague, September 7th, 1782.
Sir,