I have received from Congress their resolution of the 3d of January, 1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee & Jones, at six months sight, for the full amount of the balance due on the contract made with them for a quantity of clothing for the army. I have also a letter from Mr Gibson, of the treasury office, of January 28th, which informs me that the amount of Jones & Lee's account is sixteen thousand two hundred and fortyfour pounds one shilling sterling.
I have just received from Gottenburg the enclosed letters, one to your Excellency and one to Mr Jay. I received both unsealed, with a direction to take copies. I have put my own seal upon that to your Excellency, and request the favor of you to put yours upon that to Mr Jay, and to convey it in the safest manner. It contains matter of great importance, which ought to be carefully concealed from every eye but yours and Mr Jay's; for which reason I should be cautious of conveying it, even with the despatches of the Spanish Ambassador, especially as there are intimations in Mr Lovell's letter of too much curiosity with regard to Mr Jay's despatches, and as Mr Jay himself complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruction will remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession to the treaty would be of great service to the reputation of our cause in every part of Europe.
It seems to me of vast importance to us to obtain an acknowledgment of our independence from as many other Sovereigns as possible, before any conferences for peace shall be opened; because, if that event should take place first, and the powers at war with Great Britain, their armies, navies, and people weary of the war, and clamoring for peace, there is no knowing what hard conditions may be insisted on from us, nor into what embarrassments British arts and obstinacy may plunge us.
By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the contracting parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from Great Britain, to accede to that treaty. If Russia and the northern powers, or any of them, should be involved in the war in support of the Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the execution of this article? Or, why would it not be proper now to invite the Dutch?
I have the honor to enclose a memorial to their High Mightinesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation among the Regencies of the several cities and the bodies of nobles who compose the sovereignty of this country. It is not probable that any determination will be had soon. They will probably confer with Russia, and the northern powers, about it first. Perhaps, if these come into the war, nothing will be done but in concert with them. But if these do not come into the war, this Republic, I think, in that case will readily accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and America; for all ideas of peace with England are false and delusive. England will make peace with the Dutch upon no other condition than their joining her in the war against all her enemies, which it is impossible for them to do, even if their inclinations were that way, which they are not. The public voice here is well decided against England.
I have the honor to be much of your Excellency's opinion respecting duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what duties America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people are able to bear, in duties upon exports or imports upon the decencies, conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls and estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay more, because the expense of collecting and guarding against frauds is saved.
Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue, and whenever these shall become general, I think there can be no difficulty in carrying on the war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.