1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion concerning the justice or injustice of the war, between Great Britain and the United Provinces, she imputes the ill success of her mediation between them, to the Court of London, and not at all to the Republic.
2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their High Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London, for opposite dispositions.
Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a pledge of her Imperial honor, at least not to take any part in their favor.
3. It appears, that the Court of London has proposed a negotiation for peace between all the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is certain the Court of London does not admit the United States of America to be one of the belligerent powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France, as yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that the British Ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies with delusive dreams of peace, or to intrigue them, or some of them, into a peace separately from America, and without deciding our question.
4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted this mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it. Here we are left to conjecture. The Dutch Ambassadors at St Petersburg wrote last winter to the Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this mediation with the Emperor, but upon two preliminary conditions, viz. that the Court of London should acknowledge the independence of America, and accede to the principles of the late marine treaty, concerning the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added, that Holland should previously be set at peace, and become a neutral power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here we can only conjecture.
5. It appears, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have joined, or are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court of London, to persuade it to make peace with Holland. But how vigorous, or decisive this effort is to be, or what will be their conduct, if they should still be unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.
6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances, which her Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may give her occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing declared, nothing promised, yet it leaves room to suppose, that her Majesty and her high allies may have insisted on conditions from the Court of London, which accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected, may oblige Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to join Holland in the war. But all this is so faint, reserved, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can be placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is only an insidious manœuvre of the British Ministry, as I am that many powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe of it. I confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace at this time, because I should expect propositions for short truces, uti possidetis, and other conditions, which would leave our trade more embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties at greater hazard, than they can be in a continuance of the war, at the same time it would put us to as constant, and almost as great an expense. Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of conferences and negotiations to that end, should be proposed to me, which they have not as yet from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them with as much patience and delicacy too, as if I believed them sincere.
Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal assistance from Europe. If all the negotiations of Congress can keep up the reputation of the United States so far as to prevent any nation from joining England, it will be much. But there are so many difficulties in doing this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power, even by persons who ought to have the highest opinion of them, and the tenderest regard for them, that I confess myself sometimes almost discouraged, and wish myself returning through all the dangers of the enemy to America, where I could not do less, and possibly might do more for the public good.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.