JOHN JAY."

TO THE COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

"Whatever may be the issue of the American revolution, whether that country shall continue independent, or be doomed to reunite her power with that of Great Britain, the good will and affection of the people of North America cannot in either case be unimportant to their neighbors; nor will the impressions made upon their minds by the benefits or injuries, which they may receive from other nations in the course of their present struggles, ever cease to have a certain degree of influence on their future conduct.

"Various circumstances led Congress at an early period to suppose, that the Court of Spain had wisely and generously determined to take a decided part in their favor. The supplies granted to them by his Catholic Majesty, soon after the British armies became numerous in America, spoke this language in strong terms, and the assurances repeatedly given me by your Excellency, that his Majesty would firmly support their cause, and never consent to their being reduced to the subjection of Britain, left no room to doubt of his friendly disposition and intentions towards them.

"Many obvious considerations prompted Congress to desire, that an intimate connexion might speedily be established between the two countries by such treaties as would take from the enemy every prospect of success, and secure to Spain and the United States the permanent enjoyment of mutual advantages and reciprocal attachment. With this view Congress were pleased to send me to Spain, and the first letter I had the honor of receiving from your Excellency gave me reason to believe, that the object of my mission was not displeasing to his Majesty; unavoidable and long delays were, nevertheless, created by differences respecting a certain important right, which America wished to retain. So strong, however, was the reliance of Congress on his Majesty's assurances of support, and such was their disposition to render the proposed treaties consistent with his inclinations, that they have since agreed to remove the only obstacle, which seemed to prevent his Majesty from realising those assurances by substantial aids and an open declaration of his intentions.

"But unfortunately for America, and perhaps for the general cause, the delays in question have not ceased with the cause to which they were ascribed, and although the confidence reposed by Congress in his Majesty's assurances will not permit them to doubt of his determination to support their independence, yet the silent inattention, with which their offers to remove the former obstacle to a treaty have long laid unanswered, must appear to them as being very singular. Your Excellency has indeed repeatedly promised me to name a time when I should have an opportunity of conferring with you on that and other subjects submitted to your consideration, but it constantly happened that the expectations excited by these promises proved abortive.

"Knowing that Congress would expect to receive by the return of Major Franks particular information respecting their affairs here, I was anxious to send them some intelligence more welcome than I have reason to think a detail of delays and procrastination would be, in a season when they would be indulging the most flattering expectations from the measures they had taken to gratify his Majesty. For this reason I informed your Excellency, that I should detain Major Franks for the present, and your Excellency promised me on the 8th instant, that you would appoint some time in the ensuing week for entering into a serious conference about these matters, and that M. Del Campo should give me notice of it. That week, however, has passed away without having been witness to any such notice or conference.

"I think your Excellency will do me the justice to acknowledge that the utmost respect, delicacy, and patience, have been observed in all my transactions with your Excellency, and therefore I cannot forbear hinting that my constituents are at least entitled to that species of attention, which the most dignified sovereigns usually pay to the friendly propositions of such States, as solicit either their aid or alliance in a decent manner, viz. a candid answer.

"I am sensible that Spain possesses a higher degree on the scale of national importance than the United States, and I can readily admit, that the friendship of this Court is of more immediate consequence to America, than that of America to the Spanish empire. But as his Catholic Majesty and his Ministers doubtless extend their views beyond the present moment, it would ill become me to remark, how essential it is to the happiness of neighboring nations, that their conduct towards each other should be actuated by such passions and sentiments only, as naturally tend to establish and perpetuate harmony and good will between them. Most certain it is, that in whatever manner the negotiations between Spain and North America may terminate, various good or evil consequences will in future naturally and necessarily flow from it to both.

"There is good reason to believe, that the apparent indecision of Spain, relative to an open acknowledgment of the independence of the United States, has inspired other nations with doubts and conjectures unfavorable to the American cause, and on the other hand, it is more than probable that, if his Catholic Majesty would be pleased to declare to the world, that the United States were his allies, and that he had given his royal word to support their independence, Holland and many other nations would follow his example.