You will be pleased to accept my most hearty congratulations upon this great event, especially as the peace we have obtained is both honorable and glorious. America, I believe, stands high in the esteem of all the world; to which not only her successes in this great revolution, but the proofs she has given in the course of it, of her sacred regard to her plighted faith, have contributed. Our revolution is universally spoken of as the most important which the world has ever seen. Its influence penetrates the innermost recesses of every Cabinet in Europe, they will and they must give way to it.
It is yet difficult to say what will be the effect of the present peace, upon the approaching war with the Turks. Though it will not probably prevent it, yet it may moderate its views towards that quarter, and thus save the continent of Europe from the mischief of a general conflagration. I shall communicate my mission to the Vice Chancellor, as soon as some necessary arrangements can be made, and shall endeavor to bring on the business of the commercial treaty without loss of time, as there is now little doubt but some of our vessels may arrive here early in the spring. I have it in view to procure some special favors, for a direct commerce between the West Indies and this empire, to be carried on by our vessels, which will turn to the advantage of both parties. But to render it more certain, it may be necessary to procure a right of trading freely with the British West Indies, and also exporting from thence in our vessels, to any part of the world, the productions of their Islands, paying the same duties as their native subjects pay upon the same articles, when they export them for Great Britain or elsewhere. I think we may obtain this privilege in our commercial treaty with Great Britain, if we insist upon it. Our treaties with France and Holland, appear to me to be exceedingly defective respecting a commerce with their American territories. If Great Britain should refuse us that privilege, we might perhaps arrive at the same end, by reserving to ourselves a right to impose what extra duties we judge proper, either upon our productions exported to any part of her dominions, or upon her productions imported into America, if any higher duties should be imposed upon her West India productions when exported by us, than when by her native subjects, notwithstanding any general clause giving her the advantages of the most favored nations. The object appears to me to be of importance to our interests, and that we can obtain it in the manner I first proposed, (which would be the most beneficial, and least liable to create mutual disgusts) if we should think proper to make it the sine qua non of a commercial treaty with Great Britain. We should reap advantages from it, not only in our commerce with this empire, but with every other in Europe, not having such establishments in America.
Now I am upon this subject of commerce, I will take the liberty to acquaint you, that Portugal intends to procure the right of establishing factories in the United States, under the protection of the Oporto company, in order to secure special advantages for the sale of her wines. This plan will not be particularly mentioned, but the end will be obtained under the general right of establishing factories in America without naming the Oporto company. You may rely upon this information, and will make your advantage of it. It will occur to you, that we may demand as a compensation, the right to export not only from Portugal but from the wine Islands, that article in our vessels, paying the same duties as the native subjects, or the Oporto Company pay upon it. Without something of this sort the Portuguese factories might secure to themselves almost the exclusive supply of their wines to America. They have a factory here, under the protection of the Oporto Company. You will not take it amiss, that I suggest these subjects to your consideration. If any of them can be turned to the benefit of our country, my end in troubling you with them will be answered.
I have the honor to be, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Petersburg, February 25th, 1783.
Sir,
In the last letter I did myself the honor to write you, I acquainted you I should communicate my mission to the Vice Chancellor as soon as some necessary arrangements could be made. Being entirely prepared to do so, I thought it but decent to communicate my intention to the French Minister, rather in the form of consulting him upon the expediency of the measure. He at first thought it would be advisable to wait till the signing of the definitive treaty of peace, adding, that though he could not take upon himself to say, that I should not be received in the present moment, yet that it would not surprise him if my admission should be postponed to that time, intimating that the present unsettled state of affairs, (of which I have spoken in my late letters) might have some influence upon the determination of this Court in a matter of that sort. He concluded with saying, that it would not be amiss to wait till the British Minister here should have communicated in form the signature of the preliminaries of peace to this Court. I shall conform entirely to his advice; for the time is now most certainly indifferent as to our interests, which are most solidly established by the peace.
I cannot add anything to what I have before said respecting the Turkish war, which since the conclusion of the late one, is the grand object which engages the general attention. According to the course of business here, I expect to be detained two or three months in negotiating our commercial treaty. I hope, however, the resolution of Congress of the 14th of September last, respecting their moneys in Europe (a copy of which Mr Adams sent me by the last post) will not be any impediment to the conclusion of it. The money Dr Franklin and Mr Adams have engaged upon my application to them to advance for that purpose, being indispensably necessary, I presume they will not withdraw the credit they have given me, and that Congress will approve of their conduct, as well as of mine in this business. The resolution is doubtless a wise one, but there are circumstances for which Congress cannot provide in season, and this seems to be of that nature. If those gentlemen should not, therefore, withdraw their credit, I shall venture to apply the money when it shall become necessary, to the use for which they have granted it. It would be a great satisfaction to me, if I could receive in season an answer to my letter of the 25th of last August, in which I acquainted you I should stand in need of the money.