Great pains have been taken to persuade others, that the King of Prussia had acceded to this confederation on consideration of Courland, and that part of Silesia, still in possession of the Austrian family, being ceded to him. This gained credit even at Court, and my intimacy with the Prussian Minister induced me to speak of it to him in a friendly way, as a circumstance that would be prejudicial to his negotiation here. He then assured me he had no information on the subject, and on my naming to him the source from whence I had my information, he cautiously avoided appearing united with the Imperial and Russian representatives, and a day or two ago positively assured me, that he had received letters from the King, which authorised him to say, that there was no foundation for this rumor. He made, I believe, the same communication to the Count de Montmorin, and further observed to me, that the Court of Vienna had made use of the same artifice to induce the Elector of Bavaria to consent to a dismemberment of his country.
The last letters from the north speak much of the great preparations for war, making in the Austrian and Russian dominions. The firm conduct of the Court of France may dissipate this storm, if the accession of the Court of Prussia to this confederation should not prove true. I have been assured from a very good quarter, that Lord Shelburne saw with uneasiness the intentions of the Emperor and Russia. But the late triumphs of his opponents in Parliament will probably oblige him to resign. The preliminary articles of peace, particularly those with the United States, were very ill received. The address of thanks in the lower House was negatived by a majority of sixteen, and carried in the upper by eight only. Lord Grantham told the Chargé d'Affaires of Spain, that the treaty with America had been the ruin of Lord Shelburne's administration; that he expected to be obliged to give in his resignation also, for which reason he could not proceed in his negotiation, until he saw whether the administration, of which he was a member, kept its ground or not.
Thus for the present all is anarchy and confusion in England. The same spirit of division seems to have seized the army and navy. There have been great riots at Portsmouth. The scarcity of grain may occasion similar disturbances in different parts of the kingdom. The Danish Envoy at this Court has just communicated to me letters, which he has received from his Court, in answer to those which he wrote in consequence of his conversation with me on the subject of the treaty between the United States and Denmark. The Minister advises him, in order to accelerate this affair, that the King had thought proper to send to Paris a person, with powers to treat with Dr Franklin. That this gentleman was to leave Copenhagen the middle of February, and had instructions to communicate to him the result of his conferences with Dr Franklin, and that he himself had orders to impart to me this correspondence. He added, that the King was sincerely disposed to cultivate an amity with the States, that Denmark would make Christianstand a free port to the commerce of America, and give it every other advantage in Europe and the West Indies, which could be reasonably desired. He finished, by entreating me to make known these sentiments to Congress.
The Saxon Minister daily expects permission to give me extracts from such despatches of his Court to him as relate to our affairs, in order to convince Congress of the early desire of the Elector to form connexions between the citizens of the States and his subjects. The Minister of Sweden is much mortified, that the negotiation which he commenced with me should have been taken out of his hands, and given to the Ambassador from that Court at Paris. He informs me that a treaty of amity and commerce is on the point of being concluded, if not already signed, by Dr Franklin and the Swedish representative at Paris.
Thus, Sir, we have the pleasure to see arrive, the period when our friendship is solicited by most of the European nations. As we shall have, undoubtedly, a considerable commerce in the Mediterranean, it is to be wished that early measures may be taken to cultivate the friendship of the States of Barbary. It has been reported here, that Spain will make another attempt on Algiers as soon as the definitive treaty is signed.
The bank, so often mentioned in former letters, will very soon commence its operations. The subscription fills fast, and the directors assure me they shall be able to fulfil what they have promised to the public. The directors for the supply of the army and navy, have engaged to give America the preference for such supplies as they may from time to time stand in need of from thence, and for this purpose have taken from me the address of mercantile houses in the different States. I mention this, in order that the different members in Congress may be enabled to inform their constituents, who, perhaps, might choose to furnish supplies of the produce of the States to which they belong to this country, and who may be able to do it on better terms than the parties I have recommended. The articles most in demand will be masts, spars, tar, pitch, turpentine, flour, grain, fish, &c. The tariff, mentioned in my last, excites universal complaint; there is scarce a Minister from a maritime Court, who is not preparing to make remonstrances. I shall see what success they have, and regulate my conduct thereby. If we obtain any partial advantages, they must be derived from treaty, and the desire of Spain to cultivate our friendship.
The Court has not yet named a Minister to the United States. Indeed, it is difficult to find a proper person for this employment. I proposed to a M. Josè Llanos, a gentleman highly respected here for his abilities and his agreeable manners, this commission. He is nephew of the Duke d'Osada, a favorite of the King. The proposal was received with great marks of satisfaction, and will contribute to secure his good will and friendship, as well as that of his uncle, if it answers no other purpose. The same Under Secretary in the foreign department, who is charged with the affairs of Great Britain, has also the direction of those of the United States. On being informed of this circumstance, I paid him my compliments, and shall neglect nothing which shall enable me to secure his good will, on which, in a great measure, depends the despatch of business which passes through his hands.
Since my residence in this country, I have written several long letters to the Philadelphia Philosophical Society, in which, among other things, I recommended to its attention, the nomination of persons in this country as honorary members. I know not whether these letters ever came to hand, for which reason permit me to suggest to you, whether the nomination of the most distinguished literary characters in the different countries of Europe might not be useful. The suffrage of the republic of letters has contributed to give us a celebrity during the war, and this union formed with its chiefs in various countries, will secure useful connexions to our Ministers, as well as to the American youth who may travel for instruction. Should this idea meet your approbation, I would take the liberty of recommending the Count de Campomanes, Fiscal of the Council of Castile, the above mentioned Don Gaspar Josè Llanos, and the Abbé Gavarra, Secretary of the Academy of History.
In consequence of your request to nominate a person to receive my salary, I have written to Mr John Ross to act for me. I have now more than three quarters due, and am absolutely obliged to live on credit. I am under great obligations to Dr Franklin for his kindness in assuming the bills, which I have been constrained to draw on him hitherto; but dare not draw for the amount of salary due me, lest he should not have funds. It is impossible for me to retrench my expenses, without, at the same time, depriving myself of the occasions of seeing frequently those here from whom alone useful information can be drawn.
I am happy to have had the Marquis de Lafayette, a witness of my conduct, and I flatter myself that his testimony will convince you, that I have neglected nothing to conciliate the esteem of the best informed natives, and the most distinguished foreigners at this Court, from whom I could expect either countenance or intelligence. If possible, I will endeavor to send with this letter copies of all public accounts. Having no one to assist me in the comparing with the books and examining the number of bills which have been paid, their dates, &c. &c. in making out copies, and being but an indifferent accountant, I proceed more slowly than I desire in their arrangement. I hope Congress will finally have no reason to complain, as it has been and ever will be, my highest ambition to merit the confidence reposed in me.