You will have seen, by the proceedings of Parliament, how decided the King is in prosecuting the American war. For, in truth, he alone is Minister, and his will governs with absolute sway. At the same time the powers which he has given to Lord Howe appear, from his declaration in America, to be most ample. That, however, I rather attribute to what is deemed the art of government, than to any pacific or redressing intention. We can never forget the perfidy of making Lord Botetourt declare to the assembly, that the revenue acts should be repealed, when in fact no such thing was intended or done; and the Secretary of State being ordered to tell the agents of Congress, that his Majesty had received their petition very graciously, and from the importance of it would lay it before his two Houses of Parliament, when, at the same time, the same Secretary wrote, by his Majesty's commands, to all the governors of America, denominating that very Congress an illegal meeting, their grievances pretended, and ordering them to prevent their meeting again. These facts are too decisive to leave a doubt of the credit that is due to the promises of this Court, and, at this very time, they are abusing the Howes for negotiating; the language of Court being, "we sent them to use their hands, and they are employing their heads."
The Rockingham part of the opposition are determined upon seceding from Parliament, in which Lord Shelburne, Lord Camden, and the Duke of Grafton refuse to accompany them for two reasons; 1st, because the feelings of the public are not high enough for so decisive a measure; and, 2dly, because the others will not agree to make the great fundamental abuse of the constitution, as well as the temporary misconduct of government, the groundwork of that secession. In a word, because they will not declare, that the object of the measure is to obtain the abolition of corruption, and not merely the change of those who minister it. This schism will, however, reduce opposition so as to leave the Court at perfect ease from that quarter.
I thank you for the magnanimity of your sentiments towards our friends, on the supposition that the late occurrences are events of consequence. I am by no means of that opinion. After the affair of Long Island, the loss of New York was inevitable; but is not the successful army still faced and kept at bay, by that over which it is supposed to have obtained, these decisive advantages? Could any one expect more from a new raised army, than that it should face the disciplined invaders, almost equal in numbers, and much superior in equipments, to win its way by inches. Where, then, is the ground for despair, when our friends are looking the enemy in the face, and he does not dare to attack them? Of two things, Sir, you may be satisfied, that the advantage on Long Island was obtained neither by the superiority of the troops nor of the General, but by his having bribed the officer who commanded the first pass,[25] who giving up his post, without suffering a gun to be fired, enabled Clinton to march in the night and take the left wing of the Americans, so as to put them between two fires, from much superior numbers, with an immense train of artillery. The other fact is, that the officer who brought the last despatches declares, that the American lines upon New York island cannot be forced, but with a certainty of so much loss as cannot be hazarded. General Howe will therefore try his former art of treachery and corruption, from which alone I am satisfied we have anything to fear.
The talk of the Congress having sent Deputies to Staten Island, to negotiate with Lord Howe is not, that I know of, authenticated.
Adieu,
ARTHUR LEE.
FOOTNOTES:
[25] This wants proof before it can be adopted as a historical fact.
SILAS DEANE TO C. W. F. DUMAS.
Without date.