"That their High Mightinesses have always set, and will set, much value on a good understanding with his Majesty, and that they would cultivate willingly his friendship and affection for this State, by all means which insure the independent repose of the Republic, and contribute to their perfect neutrality in the existing differences between his Majesty and the king of Great Britain. That their High Mightinesses do not fear to declare with openness and candor to his Majesty, that their design is to adhere scrupulously to the said neutrality, in firm confidence that the two powers will be satisfied, and that they will permit to their High Mightinesses the peaceable enjoyment of it. That the commerce and navigation of the Republic, being one of its principal means of subsistence, its free exercise their High Mightinesses have strongly at heart. Their High Mightinesses flatter themselves also that the two powers are inclined, and will be persuaded to leave to them the course which the law of nations and treaties guaranty, and that if any discussion takes place on this subject, it will be attributed solely to the moderation and caution of their High Mightinesses, in compliance with the suggestions of prudence, if to measures adapted to the protection of their commerce and their free navigation, without distinction as to the property of the cargoes, and to the support of their neutrality, they add others, intended to avoid all occasions of misunderstanding; that their High Mightinesses are too firmly convinced of his Majesty's justice, to doubt that he will be satisfied with this candid exposition of the sentiments of their High Mightinesses, or that he will continue to observe, in his treatment of neutrals, and consequently of the subjects of their High Mightinesses, the rules, which his Majesty has himself considered to be conformable to the law of nations; and that he will continue in the disposition, on which the commerce, at present existing between the subjects of both powers, to the mutual advantage of both parties, is founded."
The resolution adopting this answer was invalidated at the same time by the following protest.
"The Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, adhering to their protest and note inserted on the 18th of November last, against the resolution adopted the same day, on the final remonstrance of the merchants of this country, on the subject of the seizure of their vessels by the English, and the carrying them into English ports, as is therein more fully detailed, have declared, that they cannot agree to the resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, adopted this day on the Memorial presented to their High Mightinesses by the Duc de la Vauguyon, wherein he demands the observance of an exact neutrality during the existence of the troubles with England in general, and the maintenance of the freedom of the flag of the Republic, as well as of the commerce and navigation of this country to the French ports in particular; unless in the meantime should be given by the said resolution the clear and precise answer demanded by the said Memorial, and on which depends in great part the commerce of this country to the ports of France, declaring also that they would not be in any manner responsible for the evils that come upon the commerce and navigation of the Republic, as well from the present resolution as from that of the 18th of November last."
This has not hindered the States-General from adopting also the answer. On the 30th of December it was carried, by the agent of their High Mightinesses, to the Ambassador, who did not accept it, as not being such as the King demanded. On which they have determined to send it to M. de Berkenrode, at Paris, to endeavor to cause it to be accepted by his Majesty.
On my return here on Tuesday evening, I went to see our friend. Nothing has yet been done; but in spite of all that can be done tomorrow, said he, things will finally go well. He told me also, that the credit of Sir Joseph Yorke with a certain great personage was manifest more and more, and that there was no longer room to doubt that the latter had secret engagements with the Court of London.
I was the next day at the house of the French Ambassador. Their High Mightinesses had sent him their answer to the Memorial, and he had sent it back, as not admissible. He has in his pocket the Declaration of the King, by which the subjects of the State are excluded from his order in favor of neutrals, and deprived of the privileges which they enjoy in the ports of the kingdom. It will be soon published. This affair will do as much good to the Anti-English in these provinces, as the taking of Bergen-op-zoom did them harm thirty years ago. The time will come when they will be obliged to have recourse to the city of Amsterdam, to remove the proscription, which too much complaisance to the Court of London is drawing upon these Provinces.
Late on Wednesday I went to see our friend. He could only give me one moment. The answer of the States-General to the Memorial of the French Ambassador is the same as that adopted by a majority in the States of Holland, excepting some additions which are not material. The Deputies have not even consulted their respective Provinces thereon; another blow given to the constitution. One of the Deputies, with whom I had some conversation, gave me as the only excuse;—"It is not the first time we have done it." I have seen a letter from an able hand, in one of the Provinces, wherein much censure and heavy reproaches are cast on this method of proceeding. Friesland can least of all dispense with the commerce of France.
January 2d. There is today a grand concert at the Hotel de France. The Court is there. The Ambassador does the reverse of what is practised at the theatre; he began with the farce, and will finish with the tragedy. They flatter themselves here, that he will not press matters, because they have given him to understand that they have convoked the Admiralty to deliberate more fully on the convoys. But they do not say what all the world knows, that they have sent the rejected answer to the Ambassador of the Republic at Paris to endeavor to have it accepted by the King. Labor lost.
Our friend is fortunate in all this. He has the finest part to perform, and he will perform it to his glory. He advances rapidly in the paths of former great men of the Republic. On the other side, the firmness of Amsterdam is seconded very seasonably by the Memorial.
I doubt not, Gentlemen, but the result has made you see the importance of what has passed here, and how far my proceedings have been useful in the business, to bring it to the point where it now is.