WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Madrid, December 24th, 1781.

Sir,

Yesterday Mr Jay had an audience of his Excellency, the Count de Florida Blanca, in which that Minister in the most express terms assured him, he might depend on receiving three millions of reals to pay such bills as he had already accepted, this sum, with near eighteen thousand dollars received already, and twentyfive thousand promised by the Court of France, will fully answer this purpose, and I still hope ways and means will be found to furnish funds for the bills, which have not yet been presented, and which, for some weeks, come to hand slowly. The Minister also promised his good offices with the Court of Portugal, and informed Mr Jay, that previous to his application, he had endeavored to induce the Ministry of that nation to conduct itself with respect to the States, in a manner more agreeable to the rights of humanity and the law of nations founded on those rights, but that the party in favor of Great Britain preponderated hitherto.

I have had opportunities of speaking several times on this subject to the Secretary of the Embassy of Portugal here, and once to the Ambassador. Each seemed sensible of the injustice of the first step of the Court, and owned it more easy to do an injury than to repair it. If the Congress should be in a situation to make strong representations to that Court, with a recapitulation of the conduct of the States during the whole war in respect to Portugal, they may be possibly attended with success, particularly if they should accede to the armed neutrality, to which they are strongly pressed by Russia at present. The Minister also engaged to do justice to certain Americans who carried a British privateer to the Canaries, and, in short, seemed exceedingly well disposed to render the States every service in his power. I cannot forbear, however, mentioning to the Committee, that he spoke with much chagrin of the adherence of Congress to points, which, in his opinion, rendered a treaty impracticable for the present, and although pressed on that subject by Mr Jay, I doubt whether he will give his sentiments thereon in writing. He also seemed exceedingly apprehensive of the efficacy of the means employed by Sir H. Clinton, to sow jealousy and discord among the States, and even in Congress, and said that the letters lately received by the British Court from the officer abovementioned, gave great hopes of success in this particular. In fine, he assured Mr Jay, that considerable sums of money would be employed for this purpose, and as I am convinced this Court received its information from a person equally employed by that of London, I fear it will be difficult to remove these suspicions until time shows how ill founded they are.

In the meantime, unanimity and force in America are the best arms of the States there, and their best arguments in Europe. To which, if much complaisance to the Spanish King and nation is added, even in objects not essential, the Congress will enable their servants to defeat the designs of the British emissary and their party here, so long as the present King lives. According to present appearances, the war is likely to continue. Although I have already written you particularly on the subject, I now repeat, that the Court is in the way of negotiating its loans for the expenses of the ensuing year, and that it expects some treasure from America. At Cadiz, they have twentynine sail of the line ready for sea. The blockade of Gibraltar is continued with tolerable success hitherto. The Count d'Estaing was not arrived in France by the last advices. This delay will retard the operations intended for our succor.

The death of the Empress Queen will probably kindle the flame of war in Europe, though perhaps not in the ensuing year. I am told from good authority the Emperor is favorably disposed to England. His Ambassador and Mr Cumberland are very intimate, and see each other every day. The residence here of the latter is extraordinary in the present situation of the two nations, and can only be accounted for on the principles, which I had the honor to mention in former letters. If I may be allowed to conjecture, I think Holland will be sooner or later involved in the war, and that orders have already been given by the Court of England to attack their possessions in the East Indies. This however is but a conjecture, although grounded on some share of political evidence.

The British Parliament is prorogued to the 23d of January. Their grand fleet is at sea. Mr Trumbull has been arrested in England, and several Americans obliged to fly and abscond, among whom there is one of my correspondents. I have received advice, that several were included in the number to be arrested, whom it was not the intention of Government to seize, in order to give them an opportunity of returning to America with more eclat, to be in a situation of rendering greater services to Great Britain. I hope this advice is without foundation, but having received it, I think it my duty to communicate it, because circumspection can do us no material injury. M. Gardoqui will scarcely take his departure until all negotiations are at an end, and the campaign shall have commenced.