The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 10

by Unknown

Gentlemen,

Permit me to address the enclosed Memorial to your Excellencies, and to explain to you my reasons for so doing.

It is because many consequences, now at a great distance, and unforeseen by us, may arise between our two countries, perhaps from very minute and incidental transactions, which in their beginnings may be imperceptible and unsuspected as to their future effects. Our respective territories are in vicinity, and therefore we must be inseparable. Great Britain, with the British power in America, is the only nation with whom, by absolute necessity, you must have the most intimate concerns, either of friendship or hostility. All other nations are three thousand miles distant from you. You may have political connexions with any of these distant nations, but with regard to Great Britain it must be so. Political intercourse and interests will obtrude themselves between our two countries, because they are the two great powers dividing the continent of North America. These matters are not to come into discussion between us now. They are of too much importance, either to be involved, or even glanced at, in any present transaction.

Let every eventual principle be kept untouched, until the two nations shall have recovered from the animosities of the war. Let them have a pacific interval, to consider deliberately of their mutual and combined interests, and of their engagements with other nations. Let us not, at the outset of a temporary convention, adopt the severe principle of reducing every transaction between the two countries to the footing of exact reciprocity alone. Such a principle would cast a gloom upon conciliatory prospects. America is not restrained from any conciliation with Great Britain by any treaty with any other power. The principles of conciliation would be most desirable between Great Britain and America; and forbearance is the road to conciliation. After a war of animosities, time should be allowed for recollection. There are all reasonable appearances of conciliatory dispositions on all sides, which may be perfected in time. Let us not, therefore, at such a moment as this, and without the most urgent necessity, establish a morose principle between us; if it were a decided point against amity and conciliation, it would be time enough to talk of partition and strict reciprocity. To presume in favor of conciliation may help it forward; to presume against it, may destroy that conciliation, which might otherwise have taken place.

But, in the present case, there is more than reason to presume conciliation. I think myself happy, that I have it in my power to assure you, from authority, that it is the fundamental principle of the British Councils, to establish amity and confidence between Great Britain and the American States, as a succedaneum for the relation, in which they formerly stood one to the other. The proof of this consists, not in words, but in substantial facts. His Britannic Majesty has been graciously pleased to send orders to his commanders in North America, for the speedy and complete evacuation of all the territories of the United States. His Majesty has given orders in council, on the 14th of the last month, for the admission of American ships and cargoes into Great Britain; and on the 6th instant, he has given farther orders, permitting the importation from America of several articles, which have been usually considered as manufactures. He has, likewise, provided for the convenience of American merchants, who may wish to land tobacco in Great Britain for re-exportation. Upon the same principle, Mr Fox, the Secretary of State, corresponding with America, has moved for, and received the liberty of the House of Commons, (nem. con.) to bring in a bill, that any American merchants, importing rice into Great Britain, may, upon re-exportation, draw back the whole duty paid on its first importation. All these circumstances put together, undoubtedly form the most indisputable evidence of the disposition, which prevails in the British Councils to give every facility to the re-establishment of that intercourse, which must be so beneficial to both nations.

I am ordered to inform you, that his Majesty entirely approves of the plan of making a temporary convention, for the purpose of restoring immediate intercourse and commerce, and more particularly for the purpose of putting off, for a time, the decision of that important question, how far the British acts of navigation ought to be sacrificed to commercial considerations, drawn from the peculiar circumstances of the present crisis; a question, which will require much deliberation, and very much inquiry, before it can be determined. I am sure, Gentlemen, you will see and admit the reasonableness of our proceeding, in such a case, with deliberation and discretion; more especially, when these acts of prudence do not proceed from any motives of coolness or reserve towards you. In the meantime, the temporary convention may proceed upon principles of real and accommodating reciprocity. For instance, we agree to put you upon a more favorable footing than any other nation. We do not ask a rigid reciprocity for this, because we know, by your present subsisting treaties, it is not in your power to give it to us. We desire only to be put upon the footing of other nations with you, and, yet, we consent that you shall be upon a better footing with us than any other nation.

Thus far, we must be allowed to be giving something more than reciprocity, and this we do, as I said before, because we are unwilling to ask what you are unable to give. Surely, it is not unreasonable, nor more than, from principles of reciprocity, we have a right to expect that you should imitate our conduct in this particular, and that you should abstain from asking things, under the title of exact and literal reciprocity, which, upon the consideration of our case, you must know that we cannot give. Virtual and substantial reciprocity we are willing to give; literal reciprocity is impossible, as much from your engagements, as from our system of navigation.

If we can agree upon an article of intercourse and commerce, in the nature of a temporary convention, on the basis of the Memorial, which I had the honor of giving lately to you, bearing date 19th of May, 1783, no time need be lost in finishing this business; but with this explanation, that although it is proposed, that the commerce between the United States and the British West Indies should be free with regard to their respective productions, yet, that we are not bound to admit the importation of West India commodities into Great Britain in American vessels. Believe me, Gentlemen, that this restriction does not proceed from any invidious disposition towards the American States. It is imposed by indispensable prudence and necessity upon the British Ministers, who, in the present state of things, could not be justified to their own country, to go hastily to a larger extent of concession. This point is not to be looked upon merely as commercial, but as affecting fundamentally the great political system of British navigation; and you are to consider, that the principle, upon which the whole of our proposed temporary convention is to stand, is, that the commerce between the two countries is to be revived nearly upon the old footing; but that each nation is to keep in its own hands, the power of making such regulations respecting navigation, as shall seem fit. I assure you, that this point has been discussed by the Ministers of the British cabinet with infinite candor, and with every possible disposition of amity and favor towards your country; but the more they have inquired upon this subject, the more they are overborne by conviction, that the prejudices upon this matter (if that be the name these opinions deserve) are so strong, that such a measure as a relaxation of the act of navigation, in this instance, never can be taken, but upon such a full and solemn Parliamentary inquiry, as it is impossible to go into at this time of the year, and in this stage of the session. I cannot, therefore, Gentlemen, help flattering myself, that you, who are so well acquainted with difficulties, which must embarrass an English administration in a business of this sort, will rather endeavor to remove them, than to increase them; and I am sure, that such a plan, on your part, would ultimately be most conducive to your own objects. When an amicable intercourse is once opened, and when conciliatory confidence comes to take place of those jealousies, which have lately subsisted, you may easily conceive in how different a manner the whole of this matter will be considered. I am confident that this will be the case, but if it is not, the provisions being only temporary, it will be in the power of the United States, to take up any hostile mode of proceeding, by restraints and prohibitions, &c. whenever they may think fit.

I have made use above of the word prejudices in speaking of the principles of the British act of navigation. I hope you will accept that term from me, as proceeding so far in compliance towards the future consideration of the points now between us, as to keep the question open and free for discussion. If Great Britain should, in any case, throw down the barriers of her act of navigation towards America, she should be very secure against the possible case of future enmity, or alliance against her. Such considerations as these, lead to objects far beyond our present scope or powers. But I must still add one word more upon this article of prejudices. Such prejudices (if they are so) are not confined to Great Britain. By your commercial treaty with France, Article 4th, you are only entitled to an European trade with that kingdom, and not, even by that treaty, to any direct commerce between their West India Islands and the ports of the American States; much less to the immediate communication between the French Islands and the dominions of the Crown of France in Europe. Every public proceeding in England, since the commencement of our present negotiation for opening the intercourse and commerce between our two countries, will, I am sure, support me in saying, that we have very liberally taken the lead; that we have not waited for any assurance of reciprocity, but have given orders for almost a universal admission of American articles, before we even know that any vessel from Great Britain will find admission into any American ports. What do we ask in return? No more than this; that while we gratuitously, and without stipulation, give advantages and favors to the American States, which we deny to all other nations, they would so far justify our liberal way of proceeding, as to receive us in the same manner as other nations, which are foreign, and to permit us to carry to North America, what it is evidently for their interest that we should carry thither.

I need hardly add, that it is of infinite importance, that some temporary convention should be finished without loss of time. I hope and trust that we shall not find much more difficulty in this business. You must see the advantage of an immediate renewal of intercourse, and from the candor of your dispositions, I am sure you must likewise be convinced, that to give us some facility in the outset, is the sure road to such an equitable arrangement for the future, as you must have at heart. The reasons, which I have given in the Memorial appear to me to be cogent and convincing, upon the natural alliance between our two countries. And when the intercourse has once begun, everything will go in its natural road. It is, therefore, of infinite consequence to begin that intercourse. Great Britain, by all public proceedings of repeals, proclamations, &c. &c. has made the first advances, with warmth and confidence, and, therefore, I conclude, with the fullest assurance, that you will meet those advances with cordial reciprocity.