Your Excellency will observe, that the treaty was signed at Paris, and not at Versailles. Mr Hartley's letter of August 29th, and our answer, will explain this. His objections, and indeed our proceedings in general, were communicated to the French Minister, who was content that we should acquiesce, but desired that we would appoint the signing early in the morning, and give him an account of it at Versailles by express, for that he would not proceed to sign on the part of France, till he was sure that our business was done.
The day after the signature of the treaty, Mr Hartley wrote us a congratulatory letter, to which we replied.
He has gone to England, and expects soon to return, which for our parts we think uncertain. We have taken care to speak to him in strong terms, on the subject of the evacuation of New York, and the other important subjects proper to be mentioned to him. We think we may rely on his doing everything in his power to influence his Court to do what they ought to do; but it does not appear, that they have as yet formed any settled system for their conduct relative to the United States. We cannot but think, that the late and present aspect of affairs in America, has had and continues to have, an unfavorable influence, not only in Britain but throughout Europe.
In whatever light the Article respecting the tories may be viewed in America, it is considered in Europe as very humiliating to Britain, and therefore as being one, which we ought in honor to perform and fulfil with the most scrupulous regard to good faith, and in a manner least offensive to the feelings of the King and Court of Great Britain, who upon that point are extremely tender.
The unseasonable and unnecessary resolves of various towns on this subject, the actual expulsion of tories from some places, and the avowed implacability of almost all who have published their sentiments about the matter, are circumstances, which are construed, not only to the prejudice of our national magnanimity and good faith, but also to the prejudice of our governments.
Popular committees are considered here, as with us, in the light of substitutes to constitutional government, and as being only necessary in the interval between the removal of the former and the establishment of the present.
The constitutions of the different States have been translated and published, and pains have been taken to lead Europe to believe, that the American States, not only made their own laws, but obeyed them. But the continuance of popular assemblies, convened expressly to deliberate on matters proper only for the cognizance of the different legislatures and officers of government, and their proceeding not only to ordain, but to enforce their resolutions, has exceedingly lessened the dignity of the States in the eyes of these nations.
To this we may also add, that the situation of the army, the reluctance of the people to pay taxes, and the circumstances under which Congress removed from Philadelphia, have diminished the admiration, in which the people of America were held among the nations of Europe, and somewhat abated their ardor for forming connexions with us, before our affairs acquire a greater degree of order and consistence.
Permit us to observe, that in our opinion, the recommendation of Congress, promised in the fifth Article, should immediately be made in the terms of it, and published, and that the States should be requested to take it into consideration, as soon as the evacuation by the enemy shall be completed. It is also much to be wished, that the legislatures may not involve all the tories in banishment and ruin, but that such discrimination may be made, as to entitle the decisions to the approbation of disinterested men and dispassionate posterity.
On the 7th instant we received your Excellency's letter of the 16th of June last, covering a resolution of Congress of the 1st of May, directing a commission to us for making a treaty of commerce, &c. with Great Britain. This intelligence arrived very opportunely to prevent the anti-American party in England from ascribing any delays, on our part, to motives of resentment to that country. Great Britain will send a Minister to Congress, as soon as Congress shall send a Minister to Britain, and we think much good might result from that measure.