GERARD.
The passages referred to in the above were contained in a piece published in the Pennsylvania Packet, under the title, "Common Sense to the Public on Mr Deane's Affair," written by Thomas Paine, then Secretary to the Committee of Foreign Affairs; and are as follows;
"If Mr Deane, or any other gentleman, will procure an order from Congress to inspect an account in my office, or any of Mr Deane's friends in Congress will take the trouble of coming themselves, I will give him or them my attendance, and show them in a hand-writing, which Mr Deane is well acquainted with, that the supplies he so pompously plumes himself upon (namely, those which were sent from France in the Amphitrite, Seine, and Mercury) were promised and engaged, and that as a present, before he even arrived in France, and that the part which fell to Mr Deane was only to see it done, and how he has performed that service, the public are now acquainted with." The last paragraph in the account, is "upon Mr Deane's arrival in France, the business went into his hands, and the aids were at length embarked in the Amphitrite, Mercury, and Seine." "I have been the more explicit on this subject, not so much on Mr Deane's account, as from a principle of public justice. It shows, in the first instance, that the greatness of the American cause drew at its first beginning the attention of Europe, and that the justness of it was such as appeared to merit support; and in the second instance, that those who are now her allies prefaced that alliance by an early and generous friendship; yet, that we might not attribute too much to human or auxiliary aid, so unfortunate were those supplies, that only one ship out of the three arrived; the Mercury and the Seine fell into the enemy's hands."
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Translation.
Philadelphia, January 10th, 1779.
Sir,
I cannot forbear to present to Congress the striking observations occasioned by the delay, which the answer to my representation of the beginning of the past month meets with. Already the enemies of the common cause represent it as a proof of the diversity of the opinions which prevail in Congress, as if there could exist a contrariety of sentiments upon a subject so simple, and a matter so clear, that to call it in question would be at the same time to call in question the solidity, and even the existence of the alliance. Certainly, Sir, no one is farther than myself from adopting suspicions, which would be so fatal to the common cause; but I have had the honor to explain the motives, which should induce Congress to give to this subject a ready, formal, and explicit declaration. They know that erroneous opinions become more difficult to destroy when they have had time to take root in men's minds; it is then wished to remedy the evil, but it is found irremediable. The greater part of these reflections is applicable in an equal degree to the declaration, which I had the honor to make to Congress on the 5th of this month, and I wait impatiently for answers, which may quiet my Court against the efforts made by the enemies to draw from the facts in question, inferences injurious to the allies and the alliance, efforts of which Congress alone can avoid the dangers. My zeal and my respect do not allow me to conceal from them apprehensions, which seem to me but too well founded and worthy of all their attention.
I have the honor to be, &c.