The other objects of the communications of the Minister of France were the measures taken by the Court of Russia, and the northern powers, on account of the rights of neutrality, and the conduct to be observed by the belligerent powers towards subjects of neutral powers; and he informed the committee, that those northern Courts had made formal declarations to the powers at war respecting the principles of neutrality; and that they had concluded a convention for the security of their navigation and of their fair trade. That this convention was particularly obnoxious to the Court of London, as it was now obliged to respect neutral flags, which it had till then treated with the greatest severity, exercising against them every kind of depredation, according to its former practice. That France fully approved of that convention, the consequence of which was, that all the powers concerned, while they did justice to the principles of the King's Council, considered the British more and more as the tyrants of the sea.
The King's Council, therefore, thought it proper to transmit this intelligence to Congress, leaving it to their wisdom to adopt the principles of the neutral powers laid down so long ago as the 26th of July, 1778, in an ordinance of the King, which the Minister of France delivered several months ago, with other printed papers on the same subject, to the Board of Admiralty. The Minister thought it the more important for the United States to conform their maritime laws to that system, as they would thereby conciliate to themselves the benevolence of the neutral powers. He observed, that American privateers had presumed to stop neutral vessels loaded with English merchandise, which had given rise to unfavorable observations and complaints against the United States. He observed, that Holland had taken a part in the association of the northern Courts; and that therefore she ought to be comprehended in the orders of Congress, if it should be thought proper in those orders to mention the names of particular powers. But if Congress adopted a conduct similar to that of France, they would extend their orders in favor of all neutral powers generally.
The Minister then gave a short historical account of the negotiation of Mr Cumberland, observing that the matter being now obsolete, it was sufficient to mention that this agent, having made proposals of peace to the King of Spain, the first question he was asked was, what were the intentions of the Court of London respecting the United States? That he, having no instructions on this subject, or pretending to have none, had sent an express to London. That the express had not returned when this letter was written.
The Minister informed the committee, that the Court of Versailles had neglected nothing to procure arms, ammunition, and clothing, for Congress. That the good intentions of the Court had not been well seconded by the American agents; that it was their fault if these articles had not been forwarded in time; that the Ministers did not intend to accuse any one in particular; but were of opinion, that Congress should inquire into the cause of the delay, in order to inflict such punishment as would prevent the like conduct in future.
The Minister then communicated the substance of a despatch of the 9th of March, 1781; and entering fully into the subject, he told us, that so early as the beginning of the year 1780, he had informed Congress, that a mediation might be opened in Europe. That the mediators might propose the uti possidetis as the basis of the negotiation. That it was of the utmost importance to prevent the effect of a proposition, so inconsistent with the independence of the United States. That the Court of France wished to give them every assistance in their power; but he had observed at the same time, that the political system of the kingdom, being closely connected with that of other European powers, France might be involved in difficulties, which would require the greatest attention, and a considerable part of her resources. That he had informed Congress confidentially, that the death of the Sovereigns of some of the European States, with whom the Court of France had the most intimate connexion, might oblige her to employ the greatest part of her resources to secure her against the dangers, which might be occasioned by such an event. That since that communication was made to Congress, both those cases had happened. That the Empress Queen was dead. That the Court of Versailles flattered itself, that this will not at this time give rise to any material change in the politics of the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. That circumstances, however, are such, that prudence dictates not to leave the frontier of France bordering on Germany unprovided for defence. That the character the King bears of guarantee or protector of the liberties of the German empire, obliges him to be ready to assist effectually the members of that body, whose safety may be endangered, and of consequence occasions extraordinary expenses. That France is at the same time obliged to spare the land forces of the kingdom, and at the present crisis not to keep them at too great a distance. That this, however, is only a point of caution and prudence. That the Court of France still hopes the issue will be peaceable and agreeable to her wishes; but has thought it proper to inform Congress of it.
That matters are different with respect to the Dutch. That they are now in a state of war with the English; but there is among them a party in favor of England; and notwithstanding the accession of the two opposing provinces to the resolution of the States for making reprisals, a mediation has been entered into between London and the Hague; and the Empress of Russia acts as mediatrix. That it is evident the Court of London, by opening this negotiation, designs to draw the Seven Provinces to her side; and even goes so far as to expect, that she may employ the resources of the Dutch against France, either directly or indirectly. That the disposition of that Republic is still such as friends would wish. But the strongest argument, which the British party make use of to separate the Seven Provinces from France is, that they are destitute of a naval force; that their seamen are captured by the British; that all their riches will likewise fall a sacrifice; and that their settlements in the East and West Indies are in the greatest danger. That under these circumstances it was become necessary for France to afford immediate protection to the Dutch in Europe; and to make without delay a diversion, which may possibly save their East India possessions. That these measures had rendered it actually impossible to send to the United States the reinforcement, which was announced.
The Minister of France thinks, that this confidential and friendly explanation of the situation of France will convince Congress, that the King could not pursue a different line of conduct; and that the consequences of the measures he has taken must at last turn to their advantage. That, however, Count de Rochambeau and M. Barras will receive some reinforcements, and will inform the Chevalier de la Luzerne how considerable they are.
The Minister told the committee, that the friendship and benevolence of the King for the Thirteen United States had engaged him to trust Congress with these details, observing at the same time, that it would be proper to keep them secret.
In giving an account of the subsidy granted by the King of France, the Minister concluded by observing, that the Count de Vergennes writes, that what remains of the six millions, after purchasing the supplies of arms and ammunition, would be at the disposal of Congress; or if they should so direct, at the disposal of the commander in chief, or of their financier, if there should be one; and that the resolution Congress took on this subject should be made known to the Ministry, that funds may be provided accordingly. In the course of the conference the Chevalier mentioned the sums, that had been procured for these States since the beginning of the year 1780. That in that year the Count de Vergennes had, on his own credit, procured for Dr Franklin three millions of livres. That in December Dr Franklin wanted one million more to honor the bills drawn by Congress; and that he received the fourth million. That in the course of the present year, the Count has procured for him on loan four millions of livres, which make eight millions borrowed on the guarentee of France, since the aforementioned period. And now the King makes a gratuitous donation of the subsidy of six millions, which in the whole make up the sum of fourteen millions, since the commencement of the year 1780.