If, Sir, it should be supposed that this is the only instance of loss sustained from the low state of the treasury, it is a great mistake. The attempt to establish economical systems is vain, unless we can support them by punctuality. Congress have placed me in a situation where I am exposed in the first instance to claims and demands, but these must come home to the several Legislatures, and eventually to their constituents. My situation, therefore, makes it a duty to expostulate freely on the circumstances of my department. I am not to learn that free representations will sometimes give offence, and I know that those will be always most offended, who are most in fault; but I make no apologies for what I have to say. It is necessary that the truth should be known to the people; to our enemies it is known already, and has been for a long time. They hold up to contempt and derision the contrast between resolutions to carry on the war at every expense, and receipts of nothing in some States, and very little in all of them put together. Those who court public favor at the expense of public good, are very apt to inveigh against taxes, and to flatter the indolent and avaricious with the idea that war can be carried on without labor or money. But it is time for the people to distinguish between their flatterers and their friends. Sooner or later the current expense must be paid, and that payment must come from the purses of individuals. If it were made in season, it would be lighter by one half than it is. Congress have called for a certain sum, and that sum paid punctually would have answered the purpose, but they cannot be responsible for the consequences of delay. The expense will necessarily in such case exceed their calculations, and of course further sums must be required.
There are certain arguments, Sir, which ought not to be used if it is possible to avoid them; but which every one invested with public authority should suggest to his own mind, for the government of his own conduct. How long is a nation, who will do nothing for itself, to rely on the aid of others? In a war waged by one country to obtain revenue from another, what is to be expected in case of conquest? How long will one part of a community bear the burdens of the whole? How long will an army undergo want, in the midst of plenty? How long will they endure misery without complaint, injustice without reproach, and wrongs without redress? These are questions which cannot be solved by arithmetical calculation. The moral causes that may procrastinate or precipitate events, are hidden from mortal view. But it is within the bounds of human knowledge to determine that all earthly things have some limits, which it is imprudent to exceed; others, which it is dangerous to exceed, and some, which can never be exceeded. It is possible, that we are near the close of this war, and perhaps we are only in the middle of it. But if the war should continue, we have to blame ourselves; for were those resources called into action, which we really possess, the foreign enemies would soon lose all hope, and abandon their enterprize. The greater injury, therefore, which we sustain, is not from foreign, but from domestic enemies; from those who impede the necessary exertions. I have mentioned one among many instances, to show the consequences of withholding the public revenue, and I take the liberty to observe, that it would be more manly to declare at once, for unlimited submission to British tyranny, than to make specious declarations against it, and yet take the direct road to bring it about, by opposing the measures for our defence. That open declaration will doubtless be restrained by the fear of general resentment; but the other conduct is so much the more dangerous, as it is calculated to close people's eyes, while they approach the precipice, that they may be thrown down with greater ease and more absolute certainty.
I trust that your Excellency, and every other friend to our country, will urge forward that speedy and effectual collection of taxes, which can alone give vigor and stability to all our measures; and I risk nothing when I assert, that the public service shall be performed, (if the proper revenues be obtained,) at less than half of what would otherwise be expended.
I am, Sir, with perfect respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.
Office of Finance, October 24th, 1782.
Sir,
My circular letter of the 23d instant, contains the estimates and requisitions for the service of the year 1783. I must take the liberty to make a few observations on them, which apply particularly to the State of Rhode Island. In the letters to Congress of the 29th and 30th of July last, copies of which were transmitted in my circular letter of the 12th of September, I have so fully expressed my sentiments on the subject of credit and loans, that I shall not repeat them. Your Excellency will perceive, that in the Act of the 16th instant, although the estimates amount to six millions, yet only two are required and that further requisitions are suspended until the result of measures for obtaining loans shall be known. It is unnecessary to mention, that Congress have directed an attempt to borrow four millions.